Local Janitors Strike for Black Lives

Published: San Francisco Weekly. July 20, 2020. View here.


Marcos Aranda is a janitor in San Francisco whose single paycheck has been supporting his wife, his six kids, and his extended family after his wife was laid off in March. Two months ago, Aranda spoke before a Congressional subcommittee to address his fear of losing his job.

“I have heard of union janitors like me, over 25,000 across the country, who have been laid off despite being essential,” Aranda said at the hearing. “And my company just laid off 200 workers in one day. I have no idea if I’ll have a job in a week or two.”

Today, Aranda was one of 1,500 janitorial workers represented by Service Employees International Union (SEIU) Local 87 who participated in an unfair labor practice strike in San Francisco. They demand personal protective equipment, alerts for when co-workers test positive for COVID-19, and negotiations between SEIU and employer Able Services to ensure the health and safety of janitorial workers.

Striking janitors gathered at 415 Mission Street for a press conference before marching to City Hall. During the march, janitorial workers stopped to take a knee for 8 minutes and 46 seconds, the amount of time a Minneapolis police officer was believed to have knelt on George Floyd’s neck before (prosecutors have since said the exact length of time is unclear).

Once at City Hall, participants joined with union members and supporters for a rally.

The San Francisco strike, however, was not a solitary action — today, thousands of workers from different lines of work took to the streets in over 25 cities across the United States as part of the Strike for Black Lives.

Protestors and strikers are demanding that governments and corporations immediately address COVID-19-related safety concerns, racism as well as systemic and economic inequalities, according to a press release from SEIU.

The strike is specifically targeting large corporations like McDonald’s, Amazon, Uber and Lyft.

Ash-Lee Woodard Henderson is the executive director of the Highlander Research and Education Center which supports grassroots efforts in their fight for justice and equality. Woodard Henderson spoke during a Facebook Live event organized by SEIU about how corporate giants like Walmart and McDonalds “profit off of racial injustice and inequality.”

“When uprisings began across this country in May […] so many corporations were quick to declare their support for Black Lives Matter — we saw the commercials, we saw the Instagram posts,” Woodard Henderson said. “But these exact same corporations whose profits are made from the exploitation of Black workers have done little to shift their actual policies.”

Yeon Park, a member of Alameda County’s SEIU Local 1021, also spoke during the livestream, addressing how frontline workers of color are disproportionately affected by the virus.

“They are serving the community and saving lives and [they] shouldn’t have to work for their basic protective equipment,” Park said.

The strike has already received international support, including from UNI Global Union, which represents workers in 150 different countries. SEIU’s Facebook Live event broadcast messages of support from Germany, South Korea, and the United Kingdom.

The Strike for Black Lives represents a significant partnership between major unions and grassroots and social justice groups. As Vox’s coverage of the protests noted, the collaboration is unique because “labor unions don’t always act in concert, let alone partner with grassroots and social justice groups.”

In addition to SEIU, other participating organizations include the International Brotherhood of Teamsters, the American Federation of TeachersFight for $15 and a UnionUnited Farm Workers, and the National Domestic Workers Alliance — as well as the Movement for Black Lives, the Poor People’s Campaign and others.

Participating workers represent a variety of workforce backgrounds. They include fast food and airport employees, drivers, teachers, nurses, and nursing home caregivers, along with Google engineers.

Chewy Shaw, a Google engineer in Fremont, California and one of the creators of Google Against Racism, said via SEIU’s Facebook Live event that Google’s response to the George Floyd protests felt “very tone deaf.” As of now, there are 950 individuals in the Google Against Racism group.

Around the U.S., strikes were held in cities including North Carolina, Massachusetts and New York. In Manhattan, over 150 union workers protested outside the Trump International Hotel demanding that the Senate and the president adopt the HEROES Act, already passed by the House, which would allocate additional federal aid to millions of Americans.

Workers who were unable to strike participated in a job walk-out lasting 8 minutes and 46 seconds, according to Vox.

Speaking on the livestream, Aranda said the Strike for Black Lives is a perfect example of how labor movements and civil movements “go hand in hand.”

“We need the proper PPE — I’m lucky to have it, but not everybody is lucky,” Aranda said. “We need equality. And we [have] to make it understood that Black lives matter.”

‘Yours Truly’ Documents Ai Weiwei’s Alcatraz Exhibit

Published: San Francisco Weekly. July 10, 2020. View here.


In 2014, while the Chinese artist and political activist Ai Weiwei was under house arrest in Beijing, he was also creating work for an ambitious exhibition on Alcatraz Island. Ai, one of the most acclaimed living artists, has said the resulting show, “@Large: Ai Weiwei on Alcatraz,” was “about freedom, ironically.”

The site- and exhibition-specific pieces in @Large addressed Alcatraz’s complicated history as a Native American cultural site, a former military fortress and prison, and a popular tourist destination overseen by the National Park Service.

Cheryl Haines, the curator of @Large, says that when she went to Ai’s studio in Beijing to propose the idea of doing a site-specific exhibition at Alcatraz it was “very appealing” to the artist and dissident, because it was “a foray outside the contemporary art world.”

“It wasn’t a gallery or museum, this was a place where many of the people that encountered the exhibition learned about not only his story and his practice but the plight of prisoners of conscience around the world for the very first time,” Haines said. “And that’s incredibly powerful.”

Haines is the executive director of the non-profit FOR-SITE Foundation, which organized @Large. Her first documentary film, Yours Truly, which explores the @Large exhibition and its reverberating impacts, premiered virtually on Wednesday.

The exhibition at Alcatraz, which ran from September of 2014 to April of 2015, drew nearly a million people from around the world. Haines says it’s the most complex project she has ever been involved with, especially because the artist wasn’t able to visit and assess the site before it was opened to the public.

Despite these complications, she says Ai was the perfect artist for the show.

“I can’t think of any better artist working today that could address the need for basic human rights and freedom of expression,” Haines says.

Ai’s experiences and personal history have largely influenced his artwork, and @Large is no exception.

Shortly after Ai was born, in the late 1950s, his family was exiled to a labor camp in northwest China where they lived for nearly two decades after Ai’s father, the Chinese poet Ai Qing, was labeled as an enemy of the Cultural Revolution.

Beginning in the late 2000s, Ai gained international recognition for his artwork, much of which was critical of the Chinese government. In 2009, his blog was shut down, he was beaten by police and he was later placed on house arrest in 2010 while his art studio was destroyed.

In 2011, he was arrested on charges of tax evasion while at the Beijing airport and subsequently detained for three months, during which time he said he was constantly surveilled and frequently interrogated.

Although Ai was released without any charges after 81 days, the Chinese government seized his passport, leaving the artist under modified house arrest in Beijing from April of 2011 until July of 2015, when his passport was finally returned. This meant that Ai was unable to see the @Large exhibition at Alcatraz in person.

The artwork created for @Large included “With Wind,” a contemporary artistic version of the traditional Chinese dragon kite. The piece was formed using individual kites that featured quotes from formerly imprisoned or exiled activists like Nelson Mandela, Edward Snowden, and the artist himself. The dragon, which typically symbolizes imperial power, was reimagined to represent personal freedom.

Whereas “With Wind” used mythical symbolism to represent both freedom as a concept and the restrictions imposed on certain freedoms in actuality, the installation “Trace,” one of the most iconic pieces from @Large, used individual LEGO bricks to depict the portraits of 176 individuals from 33 countries who have been or are currently being imprisoned or exiled because of their beliefs or affiliations.

The individuals depicted in “Trace” are considered by both Ai and a number of human rights groups to be prisoners of conscience and advocates for freedom of expression. There are six individuals from the U.S. depicted, including assassinated civil rights activist Martin Luther King, Jr., former CIA officer John Kiriakou who was imprisoned for revealing information about the CIA’s use of torture on detainees and Chelsea Manning, who leaked nearly 750,000 military and diplomatic documents to WikiLeaks.

The portraits were assembled in both Ai’s Beijing studio and with help from over 80 volunteers in San Francisco. Each portrait is composed of thousands of LEGO pieces.

Also included in @Large was the interactive “Yours Truly” installation, which lends its title to Haines’ documentary film. “Yours Truly” allowed visitors the opportunity to write postcards to some of the individuals depicted in “Trace.”

“Yours Truly” resulted in a total of 90,000 postcards sent to a number of different prisoners of conscience, including Kiriakou, Manning and Ahmed Maher, a co-founder of Egypt’s “April 6 Youth Movement” which led to the overthrow of President Hosni Mubarak’s government.

While Haines’ Yours Truly documentary film initially focuses on @Large the exhibition, it later shifts its focus to the postcards, featuring interviews with some of the individuals who received the notes.

“John Kariakou, Chelsea Manning and Ahmed Maher […] all expressed how grateful they were to be remembered and how much it meant to them to read individual messages of support and empathy and encouragement,” Haines said.

FOR-SITE also received a number of Facebook messages and emails from other prisoners of conscience or their family members saying “the words of encouragement did, in some cases, get through, and it was giving them a sense of hope that they had not been forgotten,” Haines said.

The response to the cards came as a complete surprise, as @Large organizers were told the messages would never be received by the individuals they were addressed to. Haines said she and others were repeatedly advised that the postcards would be stopped by guards and that even if they did get through, it was unlikely these individuals would be able to respond.

Haines said she never planned to make this documentary film — in fact, some of the footage was only gathered because the National Park Service required organizers to provide an “equivalent experience” for visitors unable to access the site.

She says she is pleased with how the film turned out, especially because the film talks about Ai’s life, which she feels “is so important in terms of understanding his work.” Ai himself is an accomplished film director and producer. His 2017 documentary film “Human Flow” about the global refugee crisis won a number of awards.

Although the @Large exhibition at the heart of the film occurred several years ago, Haines says the subject matter is still very much relevant.

“Regardless of your form of activism, regardless how you speak out and identify the need to help others, it doesn’t take much,” Haines says. “Whether it’s protesting, whether it’s writing a postcard and reaching out with empathy to another human being that has been unjustly incarcerated, we really have to take this as a personal mission — that each and every one of us can do something.”

Tickets to stream Yours Truly are now available here.

San Francisco’s Toppled Statues

Published: San Francisco Weekly. July 4, 2020. View here.


For over a century, a 30-foot bronze statue of Father Junípero Serra stood at the eastern end of Golden Gate Park’s Music Concourse. He struck a triumphant pose — arms are raised in victorious praise as one hand clutches a towering cross.

Two weeks ago, on June 19, demonstrators tied a rope to the base of Serra’s cross. A video posted to Twitter and viewed by over 2.7 million people captured the moment when the statue began to wobble before it swiftly crashed down amid cheers from onlooking demonstrators.

The concrete base Serra stood atop for nearly 113 years was inscribed with a partial telling of his legacy: “Founder of the California Missions.”

In the aftermath of the statue’s toppling, the U.S. Embassy of Spain emphasized Serra’s “support of Indigenous communities” via Twitter, and San Francisco’s Catholic Archbishop Salvatore Cordileone voiced criticism of the act of civil disobedience — writing that Serra “made heroic sacrifices to protect the Indigenous people of California from their Spanish conquerors.”

Yet many historians paint a different picture, noting that Serra brutalized American Indians and acted as an agent of the Spanish Empire’s colonization efforts.

Nicole Meldahl, the executive director of the Western Neighborhoods Project, a non-profit organization founded to preserve the history and culture of western San Francisco, says that the statue of Serra was not only “deeply offensive to Indigenous groups,” the bronze memorial was a gift to the city from San Francisco’s former mayor, James D. Phelan, who, she noted, was “a notorious white supremacist.”

“These monuments say more about how specific groups choose to remember the past than they actually say about what has happened in the past,” Meldahl said.

Despite the complicated histories of statues like the one of Serra, President Donald Trump recently made a sweeping condemnation of individuals who topple or vandalize historical monuments, calling them “vandals,” “hoodlums,” “anarchists,” “agitators,” “left-wing extremists” and “bad people” who “don’t love our country.”

The White House recently released an executive order reinforcing existing punitive consequences for the destruction or vandalism of historical monuments, including up to 10 years in prison.

Meanwhile, the targeting and toppling of monuments, fueled by the immediacy of the Black Lives Matter movement, shows little sign of slowing down. In recent days and weeks, demonstrators have vandalized and toppled an estimated 150 statues emblematic of racism, conquest, colonialism, and white supremacy in and around San Francisco, in other parts of California, in cities in at least 22 other states, and even outside of the U.S.

The targeting of historic statues seems offers a window into the current cultural and historic reckoning taking place throughout the country. That reckoning looks different in California than in Southern or Northeastern states — as University of San Francisco Associate Professor of History James Zarsadiaz explained.

Whereas many of the statues being targeted in other states are symbols of the Confederacy, Zarsadiaz noted that, in California, the statues considered problematic are oftentimes figures seen as “reinforcing colonialism.”

“Our public imagination of California history starts not with the Indigenous populations, but with Spanish colonization,” Zarsadiaz says. “We may not have a statue of Robert E. Lee, but we have statues like Father Serra. When he was canonized a few years ago, that brought back feelings of anger [and] frustration and reignited this discussion around settler colonialism, colonization, European conquest, white supremacy, and the forced proselytization of Catholicism and Christinaity on Indigenous people.”

The viral video of the Serra statue’s toppling was taken during a June 19 demonstration in the park, which several hundred people attended, according to the Chronicle. Demonstrators also vandalized the statue of the 17th-Century Spanish writer Miguel de Cervantes, author of “Don Quixote,” damaged drinking fountains, pathways, and benches — and took down the statues of U.S. President Ulysses S. Grant and “Star Spangled Banner” lyricist and slave-owner Francis Scott Key.

Key worked actively for the anti-abolitionist cause, which “makes his patriotic ‘Star Spangled Banner,’ extolling the virtues of our republic as the land of the free, particularly hypocritical,” Meldahl says.

The take-down of Grant’s statue received a significant amount of condemnation, including from the White House, with defenders of his legacy pointing to his success as the leader of the Union Army during the Civil War.

“President Grant led the Union Army to victory over the Confederacy in the Civil War, enforced Reconstruction, fought the Ku Klux Klan, and advocated for the Fifteenth Amendment, which guaranteed freed slaves the right to vote,” stated President Trump’s recent executive order.

Yet Meldahl notes that Grant did briefly own a slave and also led troops into battle during the Indian Wars, “a painful history for Indigenous groups.”

Notably, this is the second time Grant’s statue has been pulled down as an act of protest. The statue was first toppled in 1896 by members of the stonecutters’ union who objected to the use of prison labor to construct the base for Grant’s monument, believing this dishonored the former president’s legacy. In response, a new base was created.

The reasons for targeting the bust of Cervantes remain unclear. Cervantes himself was imprisoned and enslaved for five years. Despite this, demonstrators sprayed red paint on Cervantes’ eyes and tagged his statue with the word “Bastard.” Perhaps delirious demonstrators mistook the monument to the author of the world’s first modern novel as a memorial for a giant racist policeman.

In response to the demonstration at Golden Gate Park, Mayor London Breed released a critical press release, saying the damage done “went far beyond just the statues that were torn down.”

“Every dollar we spend cleaning up this vandalism takes funding away from actually supporting our community, including our African-American community,” Breed said in the release. “When people take action in the name of my community, they should actually involve us. And when they vandalize our public parks, that’s their agenda, not ours.”

Kristina Mays, a Black San Francisco-based artist, noted that she saw “very few faces of color actually tearing down monuments.”

“As Black individuals, we’re more concerned with caretaking for our communities, trying to find ways to stay safe in the midst of the coronavirus and trying to avoid being killed by the police,” Mays says. “Even though the catalyst for all of this has come up around Black Lives Matter, I think the pot has been boiling for a long time.”

The conversation over removing monuments that celebrate or honor figures with controversial legacies is, however, hotly debated.

The day after the demonstration in Golden Gate Park, the Western Neighborhoods Project — described by Meldahl as a “mild-mannered, friendly history group” — asked its Instagram followers how they felt about the previous day’s events.

“And whew! People told us how they felt about it,” Meldahl says.

The nearly 200 comments on the social media post ranged from sentiments of support (“Monuments reflect our values. We need updated monuments for updated values.”) to expressions of frustration (“What a terrible example of uneducated millennials. Sad. Sad. Sad.”)

For Meldahl, the conversation extends beyond the limits of the statues themselves.

“It’s a broader questioning of what’s appropriate for public art, what stories should be told [and] who should tell them,” she says.

A Long Time Coming

In late 2018, the “Early Days” statue, depicting a largely unclothed Native American lying on the ground, seemingly vanquished by an upright Spanish cowboy while a missionary attempts to convert him, was removed from the San Francisco Civic Center. This followed decades of public outcry, concerted efforts by a Facebook group organized specifically to see to the statue’s removal, an ensuing appeals process, and a formal approval process by The Historic Preservation Committee.

The meticulousness of this formal process might seem a stark contrast to the almost instantaneous take-down of statues in recent days by determined demonstrators.

Despite its quick toppling, however, the Serra statue, as well as the Christopher Columbus Statue at Coit Tower, were both statues of “conquest” that The San Francisco Human Rights Commission recommended be removed in a report from 2007. While demonstrators saw to Serra in recent weeks, Mayor London Breed ordered the Columbus statue be removed on June 18, one day before protestors planned to take it down themselves and 13 years after it was initially recommended for removal.

Around the U.S., four other statues of Serra and 25 other statues of Columbus have either been taken down, targeted, or planned for removal.

The destruction and vandalism of historic monuments has reignited a critical debate over whether removing these objects erases or otherwise edits history.

Zarsadiaz says it is often assumed historians want to protect historical monuments because they are relics of the past.

“These are just things,” Zarsadiaz says. “Americans will not forget figures like Robert E. Lee or Father Serra or Christopher Columbus because it’s ingrained in our curriculum. The logic that if we take down these statues that people are going to forget the past, I don’t know if that holds. We absorbed a way of thinking about American history and European conquest in ways that are inescapable.”

The conversation has also focused on whether it’s appropriate to judge historical figures using a framework of modern morality. Meldahl says she believes it is important not to assess historical figures or events out of context, but she also acknowledges that “history is always evolving.”

“Look at the thinking around the mission system and how that’s changed in just my lifetime — I’m 35 years old and what I was taught to begin with [versus] what we accept as the proper narrative now is totally different,” she says. “History is also incredibly nuanced, and there’s just no way to capture that nuance in stone.”

What we’re seeing now is also part of “a long-term movement questioning the use of public imagery and history,” Meldahl says. One of the most recent nationwide movements to remove Confederate monuments and flags and rename public schools and roads occurred in the aftermath of the 2015 killing of Black worshippers in South Carolina by a white supremacist.  And that was preceded by decades of debate over the symbolism of the Confederate flag.

The targeting of historical statues is also tied to a growing intolerance for partial narratives, says San Francisco State University Associate Professor of History Kym Morrison.

“The people who are vehemently opposed to these narratives are saying [the statues] represent a forced celebration of oppression and public funding of a narrative of oppression,” Morrison says. “The types of things we celebrate are war, […] colonialism and the conquering of a land, and we don’t talk about the human loss that has gone along with that. It’s been the partial telling of a story and forcing large segments of communities that have been hurt by those particular monuments to believe that they […] should participate in celebrating things that have harmed their communities.”

One supporter of the removal of these structures is Ramekon O’Arwisters, a Black artist who has lived and worked in San Francisco since 1991. O’Arwisters says he sees the statues that have been targeted, including the ones taken down in and around San Francisco, not so much as public art but as a kind of “propaganda,” serving as “very subtle reminders that colonialism founded the country” and that “colonialism through […] economic oppression still dominates the land.”

Moving Forward, Looking Back

San Francisco itself is named after a mission — the Mission San Francisco de Asís a la Laguna de los Dolores, named in honor of St. Francis of Assisi. There does not currently seem to be any serious conversation about renaming the city or the county, but several San Francisco schools, including one named for Francis Scott Key and another named for Junípero Serra, may now change their names.

Although there are no publicly displayed Confederate monuments in the Bay Area, Mays, a San Francisco native, still believes there is work to be done. She noted the irony in the dichotomy of San Francisco being a sanctuary city yet having a boulevard named for John Drake Sloat, credited for having “claimed California.”

Upon moving to San Francisco four years ago, Morrison remembers her disbelief upon seeing the since-removed “Early Days” statue in front of City Hall.

Morrison, who is the only Black person and one of only a few people of color in SFSU’s History Department, says the targeting of historical statues represent long-term projects and deep-seated concerns from people who have been “excluded from more formal political channels.”

“When people in power know there is a wrong that has generally always existed in their communities, then let’s not wait for the formal process,” she says. “Let’s let the leaders of the city, the leaders within the state say, ‘We just need to correct this now.’”

If the statues that have been removed, toppled or otherwise targeted in San Francisco are taken down for good, Morrison says replacement artwork could celebrate diverse communities, pointing to the mural on The Women’s Building as a point of inspiration. Meldahl said local artists and historians could be commissioned to install temporary, rotating pieces that spark dialogue on “our complicated and shared past.”

Mays admits that she isn’t sure what the right replacement would be, saying “we just need time to assess.”

“As a community here in the Bay Area, we need just pause for a moment and decide how we want to move forward and what it is we want to see,” Mays said. “It might just be that the bases of these monuments just sit there for a little while.”

Fireworks Theories: Safe & Sane to Conspiratorial

Published: San Francisco Weekly. June 23, 2020. View here.


A number of cities around the country have seen an unusual pattern of nightly firework activity in recent weeks: Like clockwork, beginning in the evening hours and sometimes lasting until 3 a.m., cherry bombs, bottle rockets, and professional grade mortars can be heard exploding in cities from San Francisco to Los Angeles to New York. Nightly fireworks have been reported in several parts of the Bay Area, with the Alameda County Sheriff tweeting about “higher than normal” illegal firework usage.

The surge in firework activity has, expectedly, proven to be a nuisance. In New York City, over 1,300 firework-related calls over the last two weeks were made to the city’s non-emergency services phone number, compared to last year’s total of 25 complaints — an increase of over 5,000 percent. Firework-related calls are up in Boston by 2,300 percent, as that city’s mayor, Marty Walsh, noted that there were 650 firework-related calls to the Boston Police Department in May while only 27 calls came in the previous year over the same month. Even police in Hartford, Connecticut have been receiving upwards of 200 firework-related phone calls a day.

Neither the San Francisco Police Department nor the San Francisco Department of Emergency Management (DEM), which maintains the city’s 911 system, were able to provide numbers of firework-related complaint calls in recent weeks or previous years, as there is no separate category for tracking firework-related complaints at either the DEM or the city’s Fire Department.

Fireworks that ascend into the air or do more than produce low-volume pops or crackles are illegal to set off without a special license in California. The state restricts consumer firework sales to ground-based — or “safe and sane” — varieties, such as sparklers, smoke bombs, or fire-spewing “fountains.” Even these are governed by restrictions: they may only be sold by licensed retailers from June 28 to July 6, and are illegal in San Francisco.

Michael Andraychak, a spokesman for the San Francisco Police Department says that the city’s prohibition against fireworks of all stripes is about safety. “Devices that launch into the air or move about the ground could ignite fires and those devices that explode pose a real risk of injury,” Andraychak said via email.

Dennis Revell, a spokesperson for national consumer fireworks manufacturer TNT Fireworks, says that while it’s normal to hear fireworks in Bay Area cities throughout the summer, this season has been unusual, as he began hearing fireworks popping off “a whole lot earlier, and in heavier volumes.”

When asked why he thought cities around the country were hearing more fireworks than usual the past few months Revell said he could only speculate. “But I don’t know if my speculation would be accurate.”

Still, plenty have theories. Some chalk it up to little more than bored kids blowing off steam. Others entertain conspiracy theories — including the notion that the nightly explosions are part of a psychological operations (psy-op) project undertaken by police departments to destabilize the protest movement that has swept the nation in the wake of George Floyd’s killing.

Quiet Streets Are The Devil’s Workshop

Vox’s Matthew Yglesias chalked up the firework frequency to higher sales and quieter cities, writing that fireworks “are more noticeable with less background noise.”

The executive director for the American Pyrotechnics Association told Slate that they’re now anticipating “a banner year” for firework sales, and major cities have seen less noise due to COVID shutdowns. But now that California has entered Stage 2 in its “Resilience Roadmap,” cities like San Francisco have begun to reopen businesses, and the noises of city life are returning.

Accessibility Issues

Another theory maintains that cancellations of July Fourth events around the country due to COVID-19 have made fireworks more accessible. Some have even ventured to say that unsold professional-grade fireworks — the kind typically used for large, coordinated shows — are finding their way to consumers.

Explosive Ennui

Many will say it’s rather simple: the pandemic has left people feeling bored and restless.

“Young people have been cooped up and we know that on beautiful summer nights like we’re having now, unfortunately some young people are turning to the wrong approach, and that’s illegal fireworks,” said New York City Mayor Bill de Blasio at a recent press event.

While some have said the fireworks are just kids blowing off steam, others have questioned how these individuals would go about obtaining illegal fireworks. A few Twitter users have tweeted about men in vehicles filled with fireworks entering neighborhoods and either giving the products away for free or at an extremely reduced price.

The Deep State

One of the most popular explanations on sites like Twitter and Reddit alleges that the fireworks and other loud noises are part of a planned psy-op undertaken by police or government forces.

A viral Twitter thread by Brooklyn writer Robert Jones, Jr. maintains that the nightly firework activity “is part of a coordinated attack on Black and Brown communities by government forces; an attack meant to disorient and destabilize the #BlackLivesMatter movement.”

Jones, Jr.’s thread, which has tens of thousands of retweets, argues that the fireworks are a form of “psychological warfare” meant to deprive residents of sleep, desensitize residents to the “sounds of firecrackers and other fireworks” and “stoke tensions between Black and Brown peoples.” Jones, Jr. tweeted that the fireworks are an escalated response to the continued Black Lives Matter protests — a response which precedes an even more dire next step: “It’s meant to sound like a war zone because a war zone is what it’s about to become.”

In a viral Twitter video uploaded on Monday showing a scene in West Harlem at 3 a.m., around 10 New York Police Department vehicles with their sirens blaring appear to be driving slower than usual as fireworks burst in the background. In response, some users echoed Jones, Jr.’s claims, saying the loud noises are meant to create artificial stress and discord.

Whatever the case, the nightly fireworks shows have consequences. Shivering, fearful dogs are keeping their wards up all night, and those who suffer from post-traumatic stress disorder say that whether the fireworks are being lit by bored kids or shadowy government operatives, the result is the same for those who come from communities plagued by violence.

The #MeToo Movement Faces a Literary Reckoning

English Department Honors Thesis

University of California, Davis

Advised by Dr. Katie Peterson

27 May 2020

The #MeToo Movement Faces a Literary Reckoning

During the height of the #MeToo movement, as a wave of allegations levied at powerful figures flooded nearly every major media outlet, one article stood out among the rest. The piece, about the actor and comedian Aziz Ansari, looked the same as the rest on the outset: A woman accused a powerful man of abuse. While #MeToo investigations deliberately reported the minutiae of these accusations in as exacting a manner as possible, the Ansari piece exemplified an important shift in the non-fiction of the #MeToo era, an era whose themes are still playing out but which has, in many ways, lost significant traction. Before, there was a single, acceptable framework for telling a non-fictional narrative, one which privileged a neutral yet thoroughly examined, fact-driven account. This piece, however, is neither non-fiction nor journalism, rather it is publicized testimony treated as truth-telling.

The Ansari article is fueled by an agenda that appears morally righteous. It is the agenda of the #MeToo movement, a political movement primarily concerned with justice, not with seeking a definitive truth. If justice ordinarily draws from truth, then #MeToo differed in that it appeared not to consider truth as a prerequisite in the pursuit of justice. This differentiation was concerning given that justice must be both informed by and dependent upon truth in order to be truly efficacious.

The piece, written by Katie Way for the women’s site Babe, was entitled “I went on a date with Aziz Ansari. It turned into the worst night of my life.” The story came out in January of 2018, three months after The New York Times broke the story that brought three decades of sexual harassment and abuse by media mogul Harvey Weinstein to the forefront of public consciousness. The Times’ piece, credited as the catalyst for the #MeToo movement, was the first of innumerable stories of sexual abuse and misuse of power documented in media outlets around the world.

Where renowned publications like The Times and The New Yorker conducted months-long investigations into Weinstein and other high-profile serial abusers, Babe’s Ansari piece was not an investigation. The story does not attempt to clarify exactly what occurred the night that Grace (a pseudonym) went on a date with Ansari: “Whether Ansari didn’t notice Grace’s reticence or knowingly ignored it is impossible for her to say” (Way). Grace says in the piece she “was physically giving off cues” that she wasn’t interested: “I don’t think that was noticed at all, or if it was, it was ignored,” she said. After the date, Grace sent Ansari a text message which read, in part: “last night might’ve been fun for you it wasn’t for me. When we got back to your place, you ignored clear, non-verbal cues. You had to have noticed I was uncomfortable” (Way). In response to the publication of the events in question, Ansari’s official statement read, in part: “It was true that everything did seem okay to me, so when I heard that it was not the case for her, I was surprised and concerned” (Way).

The cultural critic Laura Kipnis would say Grace is displaying “female passivity,” a result of the socialization of women “into politeness, niceness, deference to and overvaluation of men” (Kipnis, 203). Grace is uncomfortable, yet she cannot verbalize the “no.” Regardless of the extent to which consent and female authority has been socially celebrated and accepted, halting an intimate sexual encounter is still unpleasant. And this unpleasantness might be reasonably magnified if the sexual encounter being halted involves someone with Ansari’s stardom, with power inseparable from fame. It is then understandable that Grace found it difficult to verbalize the “no,” but by merely demonstrating the “no” — by not speaking it clearly, but instead relying solely on nonverbal cues — Ansari was also understandably ill-equipped to discern her discomfort.

In this situation, ambiguity, an intangible albeit forceful factor, is a menace that warps a single shared experience into two distorted realities. In part, this ambiguity is born out of assumption: Grace assumes her “non-verbal cues” are clearly conveying her discomfort, while Ansari assumes Grace is having the same experience he is, failing to even perceive these “cues.”

The night exists in a state of permanent disorientation; the combination of assumption, interpretation and misinterpretation creates a vacuum that is ambiguity. No one, not even Grace or Ansari, can provide an accurate account of what occurred, because they have two fundamentally different yet wholly genuine experiences of the same evening. In reporting this story, Babe takes advantage of the pre-existing ambiguity in its attempts to make a judgment call. And because there is no definitive account, Grace, who calls it “the worst night of [her] life,” is given the prevailing narrative (Way). But to allow Grace to publicly assign blame to Ansari for a misdeed he did not know he was committing is troubling. The act of assigning blame requires clarity, yet clarity is all but absent in this situation.

In the most reductive summation of events, Grace publicly accused Ansari of being a bad reader — of misreading, at best, or, at worst, of reading into a falsified narrative he had created to advance his own interests. This begs the question: What is the “right” way to read and interpret real-life ambiguity, when a misreading might prove costly? By employing ambiguity as a forceful literary tool, the thematically relevant works of short fiction published during the #MeToo movement ask readers to grapple with this very question. Kristen Roupenian’s “Cat Person,” Hanif Kureishi’s “She Said He Said” and Mary Gaitskill’s “This Is Pleasure” turn to ambiguity in order to complicate a fictional scenario that is simultaneously being rapidly reproduced in reality.

The seemingly endless coverage of allegations of rape, sexual assault and harassment that defined the #MeToo movement upheld a clear-cut standard of morality. The articles, published everywhere from The Times to Babe, operated on the assertion that bringing these narratives to light was a form of justice, and for justice to truly prevail, the alleged perpetrators ought to face severe repercussions. These alleged perpetrators became pariahs overnight. Of the alleged perpetrators reached for comment, a significant portion denied the events as they were laid out. Ultimately, many of the accounts are she said-he said cases that would normally be dismissed in a court of law. By bypassing the legal system and allowing readers to act as a stand-in jury, however, the prospect of a formal sentencing was replaced with new and haphazard forms of punishment. These articles yielded public embarrassment and shame which then turned into job loss, loss of financial security and loss of one’s reputation and identity.

To acknowledge this seems controversial, as it challenges the assumptions these stories are operating on — that perpetrators are just perpetrators, and to recognize their humanity is offensive. For the most part, these personal-narratives-turned-investigations — as detailed, thoughtful and well-researched as they were — ultimately vindicated the survivor and villainized the alleged perpetrator. To some extent, these investigations allowed the survivors to reclaim the acts done to them, and this was legitimized insofar as it was deserved. This is where the reality of the #MeToo movement, which continuously upheld that a black-and-white understanding of these narratives was justified, and the #MeToo movement as it existed in the fictional world, which favored nuanced complexity, diverged.

Whereas the non-fiction #MeToo investigations required minimal analysis on the part of the reader — the survivor always emerging in the right and the alleged perpetrator always emerging in the wrong — #MeToo fiction muddied these notions. Non-fiction is concerned with a version of the truth, yet fiction has the capacity to entertain uncomfortable possibilities that non-fiction tends to avoid. These differences might be best exemplified by the presence and effects of ambiguity in each genre. Real-life ambiguity, which typically poses a detriment to the certainty and stability we tend to seek, is generally avoided — as exemplified by Babe’s Ansari article. The obscure inexactness that is ambiguity is detrimental in personal relationships; frustrating and costly in the workplace and has the potential to reap both psychological and tangible consequences in romantic relations. Literary ambiguity, however, creates the capacity for infinite imaginings, whereas, in non-fiction, the capacity to imagine is constrained.

The #MeToo fiction produced by Kureishi, Roupenian and Gaitskill wade through difficult topics with an acute resistance. They are unwilling to provide any form of absolving clarity, instead daring readers to consider uncomfortable possibilities. These fictional pieces were critical contributions to the discourse emerging during this social and political movement, and they ultimately afforded readers the opportunity to engage in an important cultural reckoning. In non-fictional accounts of sexual assault and harassment, there is little room for imagining or analysis. Mining a non-fictional account for revelation might reasonably seem disrespectful to all involved parties. There is a sanctity to these stories that does not exist in fiction[1]. The reckoning occurring in the realm of fiction is different than the cultural and social reckoning spurred by the #MeToo movement as readers are permitted and even encouraged to question. In fiction, readers may question the reliability of the narrator, the account of events or the extent to which a character is deserving of punishment. With fiction, questioning is not unkind, it is literary analysis. This is the critical difference: Fiction provides the opportunity to question rather than accept a narrative upon disclosure. Thus, fiction offers certain truths that cannot be offered by non-fiction.

Non-fiction treats the definitive truth as an act of literary imagining. With this in mind, we are better able to understand how Chanel Miller, known by many as the Stanford rape survivor, rewrote her rape story when she read it aloud to her rapist, Brock Turner, at his sentencing hearing in May of 2016. Miller’s spoken letter, detailing the rape and the excruciatingly painful, year-long build-up to a trial, was so articulate and moving that whereas Turner was hated by the masses, Miller was deservedly lauded for her bravery. Miller’s letter, which preceded the #MeToo movement, was published in its entirety on BuzzFeed and read aloud on CNN and the floor of the U.S. Congress. Miller’s unwavering refusal to be just a victim laid the groundwork for waves of women who would, two years later, go public with their own stories in attempts to reclaim the acts done to them.

In January of 2015, 20-year-old Brock Allen Turner, a name now recognized and despised the world over, made international headlines after he raped an unconscious Miller behind a dumpster. He made headlines again when he was sentenced to only six months[2] in county jail and probation. The purposefully short sentencing determined by the judge[3] presiding over the case was explained as an attempt to avoid any “severe impact” on Turner’s swimming career — a fact that aptly embodies the ludicrous gains of white, male privilege (Baker). Miller, who was known at the time only as “Emily Doe” before later relinquishing her anonymity in 2019, begins her extraordinarily well-crafted letter: “You don’t know me, but you’ve been inside me, and that’s why we’re here today” (Baker). Throughout the letter, Miller makes clear that she has virtually no control over a situation that has happened and is continuing to happen to her. She describes accidentally finding the news article detailing her rape, and learning what happened to her “the same time everyone else in the world learned what happened;” she describes her inability to control the narrative both in trial and in the news (“I was warned,” she says, “because he now knows you don’t remember, he is going to get to write the script”); she describes her shocked reaction to seeing Turner’s swimming times published in an article about the rape; she describes the extent to which her personal life and character were probed by Turner’s powerful attorneys for any loopholes in his favor and, although there were witnesses to the rape and although those witnesses gave police reports, she describes how she was forced to fight for a year “to make it clear that there was something wrong with this situation” (Baker). Over four years after the rape and three years after she delivered her letter to Turner, Miller made her identity publicly known, telling The Irish Times “The MeToo movement is the reason I can come out now.”

Miller’s personal account of her rape and the subsequent experiences that followed resulted in Turner’s guilty verdict, as ruled by the court of public opinion. Brock Turner did not receive condign punishment for his actions, but that his name has stayed in our collective consciousness and that his reputation will always be conflated with this rape is a testament to Miller’s determination. In the letter, Miller is not consumed with punishing Turner (“I do not want Brock to rot away in prison,” she writes), rather her primary goal is to affirm that she is a survivor (Baker). This type of thinking, informed first and foremost with a goal of doing right by the survivor and, secondary to this, ensuring the punishment that is owed is brought to fruition, is seen in the early emergence of the #MeToo movement.

Where the #MeToo movement took a turn was when it lost sight of this thinking and instead became a reactive movement. Instead of prioritizing the survivors, there was a shift to prioritize the take down of wrongdoers. If the movement started with individuals publicly sharing that they, too, were survivors, it ended with perpetrators and alleged perpetrators alike getting “me too’d.” As the movement expanded, men who had not committed acts as unequivocally heinous as those committed by Turner were still brought down in the same incredibly loud and very public manner. When “#MeToo” stopped being a symbol for progressive reform and turned into blind rage, it was easier for critics to begin discounting the entire movement, forgetting its original aims to combat sexual abuse and violence in all its forms.

The non-fiction of the #MeToo era, taking place over the course of the past few years, perpetuated a belief held by #MeToo and the “Believe Women” slogan which assumes that allegations are proof enough of wrongdoing. This belief stems, in large part, from long-held, deep-seated frustrations with failings of judicial systems to believe women, especially in she-said-he-said cases. Women should be taken for their word when they say they have been violated. Issues arise, however, when #MeToo began to rely on the court of public opinion to serve justice and rectify wrongdoings instead of on legal proceedings. In his recent opinion piece, columnist Michael Stern, a federal prosecutor of 25 years, expresses his skepticism over the claims made by Tara Reade, who has accused presidential hopeful Joe Biden of sexually assaulting her in 1993 when she was a staff assistant in his Senate office. Stern acknowledges that his “default response […] when women make allegations of sexual assault” is to believe them, but, to him, Reade’s account appears dubious. “If we must blindly accept every allegation of sexual assault, the #MeToo movement is just a hit squad,” Stern writes. “And it’s too important to be no more than that.” This blind acceptance exemplifies the fallacies of the well-intentioned “Believe Women” slogan.

Many others, however, have voiced support for Reade while unequivocally condemning any and all voices expressing disbelief. The Vox reporter Laura McGann, one of several reporters Reade reached out to when she came forward with her allegations, has maintained close communication with Reade and her family and friends over the course of a year. In her essay “The Agonizing Story of Tara Reade,” McGann writes that although it is unfair to an individual survivor that their claims be subjected to excessive levels of scrutiny, that is “what reporters have found is necessary.” McGann acknowledges that she “wanted to believe Reade” and she “wanted to break the story,” yet she finds herself “where no reporter wants to be: mired in the miasma of uncertainty.” This does not, she says, mean that Reade is lying, but it does leave us “in the limbo of Me Too,” with a story that may be true, but that we cannot prove to be (McGann). The “Believe Women” mindset is important. It values women’s voices, validates their experiences and condemns all forms of sexual assault and violence. Washington Post columnist Monica Hesse writes that “Believe Women” is problematic when we “understand it to mean, ‘never believe another man again,’” but not when we “understand it to mean that men have had a decades-long dominance of the believability market.” The slogan, nevertheless, does assume that the person on the other end of the allegation is guilty until proven innocent. And even then, the #MeToo movement is not concerned with proving any allegations wrong, as doing so might reasonably undermine the aims and damage the credibility of the cause. By rigidly controlling the acceptable forms of truth, the movement allowed unexamined narratives to threaten actual livelihoods, suggesting a descent from the pursuit of justice into chaos.

 

Chapter I: Collective Adjudication of Sexual Ethics via Fiction

 

Legal judgement and the judgement used by journalists in the reporting of #MeToo stories removes ambiguity in a way that literary judgement does not. The existence of ambiguity is a hurdle for legal proceedings; in the reporting process, ambiguity calls into question a journalist’s ethics, thereby threatening the reputation of a given media outlet. Whereas the judicial system and the world of journalism seek truth through clarity, fiction does not share this aim. Ambiguity in #MeToo fiction was purposefully implemented in such a way whereby readers were forced to engage with sexual assault in its myriad forms.

On October 5 of 2017, New York Times journalists Jodi Kantor and Megan Twohey published the first article documenting the countless instances of sexual abuse committed by Harvey Weinstein. Five days later, on October 10, Ronan Farrow of The New Yorker published allegations against Weinstein made by 13 additional women. These articles, which led to Weinstein’s subsequent and swift fall from grace, are considered to be the first, defining acts of the #MeToo movement[4]. One year after the publication of the Weinstein investigation, The Times reported that the movement had “brought down” 201 powerful men. Recently, in what was seen by many as a major win for the movement, Weinstein was found guilty of felony sex crime and rape.

No realm of ambiguity existed in Weinstein’s case — nearly 100 women[5] publicly accused him of sexual assault or harassment (Demme). He is, undoubtedly, a serial abuser. Thus, Weinstein’s place in #MeToo history exists in opposition to more ambiguously defined offenses. By replicating tales based in accusation and producing them one on top of the other, the non-fiction of the time blurred a range of infractions into one indistinguishable and inseparable clump of immorality. The #MeToo movement was flawed insofar as it unequivocally condemned all of these acts in such a way as to effectively equate them, leaving no room for nuance or recognition of the very unequal repercussions yielded by sexual assault as opposed to those yielded by unwanted attention. Relevant fiction, however, consciously separated these acts.

Mary Gaitskill’s protagonist Quin is guilty of “reckless flirting” (Taylor), and Hanif Kureishi’s Mateo twice makes unwanted verbal sexual propositions to his friend’s wife. As unwelcome as these acts may be, they exist in a realm wholly separate and apart from Weinstein’s definable crimes. In her article “Aziz Ansari, ‘Cat Person,’ and the #MeToo Backlash,” Anna Silman writes, “Now, women’s internal experiences are seen as worthy of discussing, and a lot of women are being more vocal about articulating a connection — if not an equivalence — between the kind of commonplace misogynist behavior that Ansari reportedly displayed and the more heinous offenses committed by men like Weinstein and his ilk.” If we were to imagine a spectrum of immoral behavior, Weinstein and others like him who used and heinously abused their power and position would occupy the furthest end of the spectrum, representative of the most reprehensible acts. The reckless flirting and the verbal propositions, however, would exist on the opposite end of the spectrum. The capacity to collectively pause and reflect on why this distinction was not only important but necessary got lost in a movement fueled by immediate action and rage.

When the #MeToo movement began to legitimize the outing of all bad behavior — ranging from bodily violation to annoying text messages — in an unregulated and lawless fashion, it failed to consider what was supposed to happen to these perpetrators and alleged perpetrators after their public destructions. The movement itself was, of course, not concerned with any accused individual’s life post-accusations. Yet when high-profile, previously accused individuals attempt a return to living their lives, they are frequently met with public vitriol. The personal essay “Reflections from a Hashtag” is proof of this. Penned by former Canadian cultural icon Jian Ghomeshi, the essay details his life after numerous allegations of physical and sexual abuse took down his reputation and career. Ghomeshi is a serial abuser, unquestionably much nearer to Weinstein on the spectrum of immoral behavior than to Ansari, as nearly 20 women have accused him of abuse. Although he was acquitted on four counts of sexual assault and one count of nonconsensual choking, Ghomeshi acknowledges — sort of — wrongdoing on his part, writing that he feels “deep remorse” about how he treated others and confessing that he was “emotionally thoughtless.” It is a weak apology, but the essay itself is not an apology letter. Ian Buruma, who published Ghomeshi’s piece in the New York Review of Books, saw the personal essay as “an important contribution to a discussion worth having.” Much of the fierce criticism directed toward the piece stems from the fact that Ghomeshi humanizes himself, making himself out to be more than just a perpetrator. He talks about his suicidal ideations; he recognizes that his behavior is “part of a systemic culture of unhealthy masculinity,” which might be read as an excusatory deflection, and he writes that, upon posting a video to YouTube unrelated to the assaults, “a Toronto weekly declared that [he] had ‘slithered out from underneath [his] rock’” (Ghomeshi). Because #MeToo was a populist movement born out of shared experiences and shared anger, when a perpetrator was exposed, they became a public menace. We perceived Ghomeshi’s attempts to resume living his life as akin to committing another sin — as if his very existence is a crime.

If we look at Ghomeshi’s essay from the perspective of a detached outsider, it is an interesting piece of non-fiction, not for any insight as to how and why he violated others — because he himself does not seem to know how or why — but for its presentation of a perspective largely absent from the world of non-fiction: the perpetrator’s. Buruma, who was fired for publishing the Ghomeshi piece, told the Financial Times in the article “Editing in an Age of Outrage” that he was “reminded by a member of the editorial staff that #MeToo was a movement” and publishing the piece was “way out of line.” Nuance was unnecessary, he was told, as it was “considered to be a form of complicity” (Buruma). By abolishing nuance, we disable our ability to humanize and empathize, though it might be reasonably argued that Ghomeshi and others are undeserving of empathy. Ultimately, the fact of the matter is that we have willed ourselves into disabling our capacity to understand.

It is still worthwhile to consider where our willingness to empathize begins and ends: If we cannot empathize with Ghomeshi, can we empathize with Ansari? Who is deserving of empathy and who is not? Fiction aids in grappling with these questions. Hanif Kureishi’s short story “She Said He Said,” delves into forgotten nuance. #MeToo fiction, like Kureishi’s story, not only embraced nuance, it also, either directly or indirectly, acknowledged and even, in some cases, expressed empathy toward the humanized perpetrator. Mateo, a married man, twice asks his friend Len’s wife, Sushila, to have sex with him. Len becomes fixated on trying to punish Mateo, and he is certain that he is justified in this endeavor in light of Mateo’s immoral and reckless acts. But there is a confused sense of right and wrong as Len’s attempts to rectify the situation backfire, and he causes both Sushila and Mateo’s wife additional upset. Len’s moral high ground is further shaken when Mateo begins to speak to him about the cultural shift taking place over intimacy. “In the chaos,” Mateo says, “those seeking love would make missteps; there would be misunderstandings. […] But it was essential that people try to connect, […] Otherwise, we would become a society of strangers” (Kureishi 3). It is a particularly moving moment in the text, and the sentiment is surprising in its thoughtfulness because it is spoken by Mateo, who, up until now, is the story’s villain. Instead of reacting apologetically, defensively or callously, Mateo responds with genuine feeling. Reminiscent of Ghomeshi’s supposed realizations, Mateo recognizes both his mistakes and the fact that the rules for the pursuit of intimacy have changed.

Mateo’s perspective is largely absent from the story, and because of this, we view him only from Len’s skewed perspective. Len is understandably angry with Mateo for making advances on his wife, and after confronting him, he is even angrier when Mateo responds calmly and thoughtfully. It is then that Len confronts Mateo’s wife and learns that Mateo has made “crude” advancements on other women — and that he “had been in therapy for twenty years” for this behavior (Kureishi 2). Here, both Len and the reader may feel justified in their frustration toward Mateo for putting these women through “deliberately inflicted cruelty” when he must know better by now (Kureishi 2). Sushila, however, reminds Len that the unwanted advances happened to her — that this is not “his story” — and furthermore, Mateo’s behavior was not harmful, but rather “self-destructive” (Kureishi 2). She then complicates the narrative Len has constructed by saying Mateo’s wife is celibate, though the two are “genuine companions” (Kureishi 2). This information does not excuse Mateo’s actions, but we are perhaps better equipped to empathize with his intentions. His later insight on the pursuit of intimacy frames Mateo not as the “serial abuser” Len believes him to be, but as a lonely man desperately seeking out physical relations in the wrong way (Kureishi 2). At the end of the story, Len leaves. The story ends with the line: “He started to walk quickly away, but he knew that, however far he went, he’d have to come back to this place — if he could find it” (Kureishi 3). Len’s realization that Mateo is a complex human being rather than the mere embodiment of the vulgar acts he is responsible for complicates a narrative that might otherwise have depicted Mateo as merely a perpetrator and Sushila as merely a survivor. In actuality, the story is more complex, and to showcase the nuance of the situation is to present it truthfully.

In reading the #MeToo investigations, we accepted that the alleged perpetrators were no better than the worst things they had ever done — which is why we thought it reasonable that their jobs, reputation and identities be stripped away from them as retribution. In the story, it is unclear whether Len ever returns. The vague ending elicits an intense confusion on the part of the reader that mirrors the confusion felt by Len as this cultural shift regarding intimacy and personal relations is taking place. The ending’s ambiguity is more symbolic than anything: As Len experiences these cultural modifications, he cannot return to prevailing ideologies — ideologies that are no longer being upheld, but instead called into question.

 

 

Chapter II: The Literary Predicament in Fiction and the Literary Value of Ambiguity

 

In reading Chanel Miller’s letter, it is perhaps impossible not to feel a sense of unmitigated rage toward Brock Turner. Now, five years after he raped Miller, we might ask ourselves: What do we want from him? Is it enough that he lives in infamy, or would justice only be complete if men like Turner, Ghomeshi and Weinstein ceased to exist altogether? The limits of our empathy are tested in pieces of nonfiction, but they are stretched even further in the realm of fiction. Fiction dares ask: Can we empathize with a known perpetrator, especially when the perpetrated acts are the most reprehensible crimes of bodily violation? The literary predicament in fiction is the extremely precise balance struck between believability and the stretched limits of empathetic imagining. Our capacity to imagine is truly tested through the use of literary ambiguity. Ambiguity asks us to interpret using best judgement. And, in doing so, it reveals the limits of our empathetic imagining.

In fiction, ambiguity is an appealing and valued element, providing an indescribable sense of wonderment and dynamism. How is it, then, that this same force is so volatile in real-life intimacy? Ambiguity as a literary and artistic tool is a completely separate entity than the ordinary ambiguity of daily life. William Empson, the first to characterize ambiguity as essential to literature, said the element effectively creates “an appeal to a background of human experience which is all the more present when it cannot be named.” Our initial inclination when thinking through the literary value of ambiguity might be to think about the element as akin to a moral guide, allowing us to flesh out right and wrong through an interpretative process from which readers will emerge redeemed via analysis. But the anthropologist Gregory Bateson suggests that ambiguity in art might serve to “confound and undermine this hubristic, hands-on impulse to be forever sorting the world out” (Parks). Remaking literary ambiguity into a spiritual process through which a reader’s moral redemption may be revealed is simplistic and self-serving. This thinking turns pieces of fiction meant to be appreciated as wholly complex and indefinable into quasi-religious texts, guiding belief systems. Novelist Tim Parks writes that literary ambiguity “encourages a contemplative rather than a purposeful state of mind.” Instead of entering into analysis of literary ambiguity believing it to be a catalyst for the revelation of personal principle, we must enter into analysis of ambiguity within #MeToo fiction as cause for rumination. Ambiguity must be considered as a means to illuminate pre-existing values and belief systems rather than a means of internal reconciliation or external retribution.

Ambiguity permeates Kristen Roupenian’s short story “Cat Person,” as a sort of indefinably sickening yet omnipresent sense of discomfort. The piece cares less about making a decisive point than it does about sweeping the reader up into an ongoing and constantly evolving discourse, oftentimes with no discernible moral compass. Ansari’s ambiguously-defined and separately interpreted conduct — which may or may not be misconduct, depending on who is asked — may have evoked in readers forms of anger, confusion, self-reflection or a mix of all three. Comparatively, Roupenian’s fictional narrative, which depicts a similarly ambiguous act of intimacy, is more interestingly ambiguous. This is primarily because delving into the ambiguity in Ansari’s situation feels offensive, especially because Grace experienced the night as a form of violation. As readers of Grace’s story, we are asked to politely observe, but as readers of Roupenian’s piece, we are invited to engage.

Told in first-person narrative, through its college-aged protagonist Margot’s perspective, “Cat Person” gives a first-hand account of Margot’s initial excitement about the prospect of a budding romance with an older man named Robert. This excitement quickly turns to anxiety and then dread when she realizes she does not want to pursue these relations further. Though Margot wishes to end the relationship, she feels trapped: As if, by entering into a romantic prospect with the best intentions, only to discover she is no longer enjoying the experience, her initial interest has effectively thwarted any say she has in whether or not the relationship continues. What begins as a classic heterosexual meet-cute devolves into an unnerving depiction and discussion about the dread and discomfort many women experience in sexual and romantic relations — even when consensual — and the emotional labor women must perform to manage the feelings of others so as to avoid confrontation, shame or even violent retaliation.

The emotions depicted are universal, and Margot’s experience is one that is unavoidable for most women. “Cat Person” is able to capture female discomfort so true-to-form as to have read, for some, as non-fiction[6]. The piece’s ability to so perfectly narrate an experience of this kind might explain the story’s virality. Fiction does not usually go viral on the Internet, so it was shocking to literary scholars and critics alike when “Cat Person” initially gained mass traction after its publication in The New Yorker at the height of the #MeToo movement. In retrospect, although a significant body of texts delving into ambiguities in cases of sexual assault had been published prior to “Cat Person,” Roupenian’s story had a sizeable impact on national discourse surrounding consent. Ultimately, everyone had something to say about “Cat Person.” The story spurred a significant amount of online debate revealing the ways in which many women saw themselves in the story while many men felt personally attacked.

The piece itself was cloaked in a sort of vague chattiness, twisting it into a hyper-specific yet generalized account of a ubiquitous narrative. The ambiguity exists most explicitly at the story’s ending, when Margot exits the plot entirely after having broken things off with Robert. The story has, up until this point, been Margot’s to tell. Without her narration, the story’s ending is left without her input and with no clear resolution. In the end, all that remains are Robert’s text messages to her:

“Hi Margot, I saw you out at the bar tonight. I know you said not to text you but I just wanted to say you looked really pretty. I hope you’re doing well!”

“I know I shouldnt say this but I really miss you”

[…]

“Is that guy you were with tonight your boyfriend”

[…]

“Are you fucking that guy right now”

“Are you”

“Are you”

“Are you”

“Answer me”

“Whore” (Roupenian 14–15).

 

In its review of Roupenian’s story, The New Republic, an American magazine of commentary, advised readers to avoid the piece “if moral gray zones are your thing,” as the ending rejects “nuance in favor of clarity and intensity.” This analysis could not be more shockingly ill-conceived. Part of what accounts for the massive impact “Cat Person” had is its refusal to administer clarity. The story is a clear commentary only to the extent that it depicts a particular set of circumstances and describes a specific emotional response, at once extremely relatable to so many women, and yet almost impossible to pinpoint or label — and the story doesn’t attempt to do either.

The New Republic evaluates the ending of “Cat Person” as affirmation: instead of “letting us dwell in eternal uncertainty,” the word “whore” serves as “a neat verdict on Robert.” This analysis is unsettling because it suggests that these vulgar messages are only a reflection of Robert and that ending the story in this way is too easy. What this analysis fails to recognize is that the “whore” message is a reproduction of the trope of the retaliatory text message — the message left in a woman’s inbox and then screenshotted and sent to friends or posted on social media. These text messages fail to clarify the situation for either party: Robert will never know exactly why Margot ended their relationship, and Margot will never receive an explanation from Robert about why he felt justified to send these hateful text messages.

Robert’s text messages are a microcosm of a story that is, in and of itself, an imitation of female discomfort. His messages are a social statement on toxic masculinity and male insecurity. The text messages are also an interesting literary tool, and to end the story on a text message, where meaning and tone is notoriously misconstrued, is to leave readers amid uncertainty. There is no clear resolution — unanswered text messages are abrupt an ending as possible. By choosing to end “Cat Person” as a predicament, Roupenian is refusing to give readers suggestive clues of interpretation, instead demanding that they come to their own conclusions. The significance of this bold literary decision cannot be undervalued. The ambiguous ending of “Cat Person” explains the vast and varied reactions to the story itself. It was these disparate reactions that then resulted in important in-person and virtual discord that extended beyond the scope of literary analysis and into social debate and discourse.

Throughout the story, Margot and Robert project onto each other imagined realities. There are moments in the text that fragment this fictionalized reality, such as when Robert acts impatiently and this makes Margot sad, “not so much because she wanted to continue spending time with him as because she’d had such high expectations for him” (Roupenian 3). These imagined realities cause Margot and Robert to misread and misinterpret one another constantly — evident in the fact that Robert viciously attacks Margot in the final lines on the basis of a scenario that he has completely fabricated. These failures in understanding are reminiscent of Ansari’s failure to read Grace’s discomfort. These stories are ripe with uncertainty, and it is in these grey areas that interpretation is born.

If thinking of ambiguity as a vehicle for moral clarity is reductive and naïve, we

might instead consider its presence in literature as acting as an instigator of ethical dilemma. English scholar Adam Zachary Newton’s theory of narrative as ethics suggests that “the ethical consequences of narrating story and fictionalizing person” is the binding of “teller, listener, witness and reader” (Lothe and Hawthorn 5). This relationship manifests in non-fiction in a manner separate and apart from its manifestation in fiction, thus resulting in disparate reactions, even to similar stories. The framing of Grace’s narrative validates her experience and prioritizes her view of the situation. The same is true of “Cat Person,” as Margot’s perspective is also the predominant one. If either Robert or Ansari’s own experiences are considered, it is only as an afterthought. Ethical consequences between these genres differ in the ways in which the two stories ask readers to react. In reading Grace’s non-fictional account of her evening with Ansari, we are asked to empathize. In fiction, although elements may be situated in such a way so as to aim to evoke specific reactions, no response is discounted. In non-fiction, social cues and social context serve as a reactionary guide. Fiction, however, cannot dictate appropriate reactions, therefore all reactions are created equal. This is why fiction, especially fiction that incorporates ambiguity, is effective as an instigator of ethical dilemma, leaving readers in a state of ethical limbo.

In this state of uncertainty, readers might find that they are scrambling to reorient themselves. Under the rhetorical theory of narrative, literary scholar Markku Lehtimäki proposes that reading narratives equip readers with tools for “good moral action.” He adds, however, that this suggestion “may appear simplistic,” preferring “the undecidability of meaning” instead: “In the context of representing a human face,” Lehtimäki says, “we confront the ethical dilemma of representation itself” (101). In this state of limbo created by fiction’s “undecidability of meaning,” we are left looking not to the narrative for decidability, but inward. The manifestation of the ethical dilemma referred to by Newton appears as a personal reckoning.

This ethical dilemma is further intensified by literary ambiguity, which, for readers, often manifests in the form of discomfort. For the English Philosopher Simon Critchley, ethical relations begin once a reader is “placed in question by the face of the other” (Lehtimäki, 100). The use of “the other” to provoke an ethical response is an idea touched upon in reviews of Gaitskill’s perpetrator-narrated story. In “The Spinoff” review, Adam writes that Gaitskill’s writing “has a way of rendering terms like ‘good and evil’ ridiculous.” She writes, however, that she is unsure whether she is “ready to have this degree of ambiguity extended to an abuser and their supporter” (Adam). This extension of ambiguity — and Adam’s suggestion that this extension is inappropriate — is an apt example of what scholar Katrine Antonsen refers to when she discusses the value of discomfort. Unease “may itself have an ethical force” which “encourages ethical consideration on a number of different levels” (Antonson, 121). Ambiguity begs interpretation, and interpretation is intrinsically tied to one’s ethical and moral positioning. From interpretation is born meaning. Thus, ambiguity precedes and produces Newton’s ethical consequence while also establishing literary value.

The literary value of fictional #MeToo narratives serves as a marker of success in the sense that these stories are valuable because they successfully narrate difficult experiences that real-life survivors often fail to put into words. Literary value is not indicative of or established because of success, in terms of popularity or profit. In other words, “Cat Person” is not able to narrate a difficult experience in a way that feels truthful and genuine because it went viral upon its release. Yet it is undeniable that “Cat Person” was effectively able to construct a realist narrative that read like non-fiction. Whereas scholars criticized the piece for literary shortcomings, its straight-forward, chronological structure parallels that of any piece of #MeToo non-fiction. The story begins with Margot meeting Robert at a movie theater, just as the Babe piece begins with Grace meeting Ansari at a party. The timeline of “This is Pleasure,” by comparison, is nonlinear in its account of events and begins with Margot having known Quin for five years (their first meeting is not recounted until several pages in). Notably, in imitating the chronological structure of non-fiction, “Cat Person” becomes a more effective piece of literature. And this effectiveness is further heightened in its use of ambiguity as a literary and narrative tactic whereby readers are forced into an ethical conundrum.

The act of sexual intercourse between Margot and Robert at the story’s climax exists in a confused and uncertain grey area. Although Margot consents, she repeatedly expresses her discomfort with following through, and experiences forms of physical and mental distress during the act. Rather than expressing enthusiastic or informed consent, Margot’s agreement would more so fall under the definition of compromised consent (she “knew that her last chance of enjoying this encounter ha[d] disappeared, but that she would carry through with it”) (Roupenian 10). Kipnis recalls a real-life conversation with a young woman who defined a “rape-ish” experience — existing in a “weird place in between consensual sex and rape.” She concludes that this is “a place most women have experienced but no one talks about” (Kipnis, 198). It is the same state of entrapment both Margot and Grace found themselves in. Compromised consent, at least in these scenarios, is seen when Kipnis’ “female passivity,” a reference to socially conditioned mental, physical and emotional compliance, is enacted. During the act, Margot feels “a wave of revulsion;” Robert prods her “not at all gently;” Margot’s “revulsion turn[s] to self-disgust” and then “humiliation” while Robert’s actions are described as “aggressive” and “frantic,” ultimately ending with Robert “collapsed” and Margot “crushed beneath him” (Roupenian 10). Before intercourse, Robert is depicted on top of Margot, “kissing her and weighing her down” (Roupenian 10). The positioning of Margot beneath Robert during this act indicates that Robert is in the position of authority in this situation — that he will be the one both initiating the act and ensuring it occurs according to his needs. It is evident, in the unabashed description of intercourse, that Margot feels, at best, uncomfortable, and at worst, violated or even assaulted.

Seeking absolute clarity about sex which simultaneously borders consent and rape might prove futile, yet the role ambiguity plays in a reader’s analysis of the intercourse scene must not be underrated. On one level, readers are being asked to play the role of judge and jury to interpret the act of intercourse and decide whether it can be chalked up to just an unfortunate evening for Margot or whether it is actually an instance of sexual assault. If the scene is interpreted as merely a cringe-inducing act of uncomfortable albeit consensual intercourse, the reader is implicated as a voyeur. If the scene is interpreted as something more sinister, an act of bodily violation or sexual assault, the reader is made complicit as a bystander. Ultimately, these literary decisions force us to determine what, exactly, is happening in this scene. And in deciding, readers are also choosing between one of two incriminating positions. Whether we are a bystander or a voyeur is largely dependent on how much we read into Margot’s discomfort and the significance we give to the descriptions and imagery of both Robert as a dominant force and Margot as a passive object. Additionally, neither the bystander or voyeur position is gendered, thus enabling us to view the situation from a rare perspective. The voyeur position, more frequently occupied by men, may now be inhabited by anyone, dependent only on a reader’s interpretation. Readers are uninhibited by the constraints gender identity imposes on perspective, and thus potentially enabled to take on a new outlook. By engaging with this story, the reader is placed into larger conversations concerning consent, authority in the context of intimacy and sexual assault.

“Cat Person” also presents the unique opportunity to view a version of the modern date-gone-wrong sans #MeToo movement. Margot feels that she “owe[s]” Robert “some kind of breakup message” — “We had sex,” she says to her roommate when asked why she feels she is unable to merely say she is just not interested in pursuing their relations further (Roupenian 13). Yet when she goes to draft the message (“Thank you for the nice time but I’m not interested in a relationship right now”), Margot becomes anxious that he will find “loopholes” and she will, yet again, find herself trapped (Roupenian 12). Margot’s roommate finally takes her phone and sends a message to Robert absent any loopholes (“Hi im not interested in you stop textng me.”) (Roupenian 13). This is three days after Margot and Robert have sex, and Margot’s emotional response to the situation exists in a simultaneous state of “skin-crawling loathing” and “missing […] the Robert she’d imagined” (Roupenian 12). We might consider what Margot’s emotional response to the situation would have been had she processed the night in the context of the #MeToo movement, as Grace did. A day after their date, Grace sent Ansari a text confronting him about his behavior: “I want to make sure you’re aware,” she writes in the text, “So maybe the next girl doesn’t have to cry on the ride home” (Way). In response, Ansari replies back that he is “sad to hear this,” — “Clearly, I misread things in the moment and I’m truly sorry” (Way). Grace’s reaction was reactive and informed by a reactive movement, while Margot’s reaction escalated to the point of reactivity against her wishes.

The #MeToo movement asserted that women deserve to be emotional. How women ought to feel in situations they interpret to be assault or violation cannot and should not be dictated. Female passivity is a learned state of mind, and because women are repressed in terms of acceptable modes of outward expression, women should, at the very least, feel complete autonomy in their emotional reactivity to a situation. There is a difference, however, between settling on one’s emotional response to a situation and weaponizing these emotions. In her 2017 book, Kipnis writes that “sexual consent can now be retroactively withdrawn […] based on changing feelings or residual ambivalence, or new circumstances” (91). Grace went on a date with Ansari in September of 2017, and the article about their date came out about four months later, in January of 2018. It is unclear how long the research and reporting process took, but we might assume that Grace had at least a month or two to reflect on the night before she told her story to Babe. In late 2017 and in 2018, #MeToo stories were trending. It is clear, from her text messages sent the day after their date, that Grace felt violated. Would she, however, have gone to a reporter to detail the night months later if not for the #MeToo movement? In her Atlantic article entitled “The Humiliation of Aziz Ansari,” Caitlin Flanagan, who chalks up the Babe piece to nothing more than “3,000 words of revenge porn,” writes that the #MeToo movement was at “warp speed,” and the women behind these stories “who have spent a lot of time picking out pretty outfits for dates they hoped would be nights to remember” are “angry and temporarily powerful,” and “destroyed a man [Ansari] who didn’t deserve it.” It is undeniable that the visceral rage that emboldened those leading the #MeToo charge was, at times, blinding. Where retribution triumphed, a nuanced viewpoint was sacrificed.

 

Chapter III: Narratological Ethics and Empathetic Imaginings

 

These fictional narratives concerned with sexual abuse and published during the #MeToo era are inherently political, as the experience of reading these stories and the interpretation of these stories are contextualized by a global movement. The pieces of fiction and the movement itself are thus interrelated and inseparable. The #MeToo movement, unrelated to these fictional stories and characters, nevertheless framed how we read and interpreted these pieces.

The hermeneutic circle, a theory for understanding how readers reflect on and derive meaning from texts, asserts that fiction does not exist in a vacuum, rather the meaning of a text is rooted in the cultural and historic context which it appears in. In turning to the hermeneutic circle in our consideration of #MeToo fiction, we recognize that our understanding of and engagement with these texts is deeply influenced by external forces. Factors including #MeToo non-fiction, media coverage and current cultural discourse have conditioned all relevant thinking, belief systems and values. The hermeneutic circle itself is the discovery of the “spirit of the whole through the individual, and through the whole to grasp the individual,” according to philologist Friedrich Ast. By acknowledging a symbiotic relationship between text and external influences, we might use the hermeneutic circle to navigate the ambiguously defined relationship between fiction and the #MeToo movement itself. The two are not exactly interdependent — although it is highly unlikely “Cat Person” would have amassed global fame if not for the fact that it was published at the height of #MeToo. The stories do, however, inform the movement, and vice versa. The fictional narratives advanced relevant discourse, with added nuance, while the #MeToo movement heavily influenced the experience of reading these texts.

Yet the relationship between text and social movement becomes trickier to navigate when narratological ethics are factored in. According to scholar Liesbeth Korthals Altes: “ethically oriented approaches to narrative, […] often include the representation of Self [or] Otherness, which are high-impact individual or collective/historical experiences that put at risk human dignity and integrity.” Experiences such as “trauma, suffering and exclusion, […] radically question the boundaries of what convention morality considers appropriate to even imagine from the inside” (Korthals Altes, 31). These experiences include “violence from the perspective of the perpetrator” (Korthals Altes, 31). This is a literary predicament that concerns the ethics of imagining. Roupenian’s Margot brings a voice and a name, albeit fictional, to female discomfort. By doing this, the story advances the #MeToo movement in its aims to quash this discomfort before it is felt. In other literary imaginings, however, the presentation of sexual abuse — especially when this presentation is from the perspective of the perpetrator — stands in defiant opposition to the narratives the #MeToo movement saw as truthful and acceptable. In dictating what narratives were deemed admissible, the movement restricted our ability to entertain perspectives outside of our own. And, in doing so, restricted our capacity for empathetic thinking.

The short story “This Is Pleasure” tests the boundaries of narrative ethics by allowing a serial perpetrator to tell a nuanced and, at times, sympathetic account of his own downfall at the hands of the women he has abused. The story switches between the perspective of Quin, a well-known book editor who has recently been fired from his job after numerous women have come forward to accuse him of misconduct, and Margot, Quin’s long-time friend, who does defend his behavior, repeatedly, but not always blindly. Quin asks female friends, colleagues and sometimes strangers about their sexual fantasies and their boyfriends or gives them advice that borders on and sometimes crosses the line of overly-intimate. But it is never clear exactly where he falls on the spectrum of immoral behavior. In the story, we learn that the two women he touches inappropriately and without consent are Margot and his secretary, Hortense, yet both of these women genuinely defend him once the accusations roll in. The plot challenges the tropes of the #MeToo movement and evokes difficult and perhaps even slightly crude questions such as: Should the women who have been physically abused by Quin have more of a say in what becomes of him? At what point are victims justified in reporting? Where is the line which differentiates acts that are annoying from acts that are actual misdeeds, and who defines this — individual victims or society at large? It is these kinds of nuanced snags that intentionally confuse how we are supposed to feel reading this piece.

Just as “This is Pleasure” disorients its readers, the situations described confound the two primary characters. Therefore, any clarity we are able to surmise from the actions of our main characters is severely restricted, as both the present versions of Margot and Quin struggle immensely to find solid footing in the aftermath of Quin’s public shaming. The first sentence of the story turns out to be the first of seemingly endless Quin anecdotes recounted by Margot. “There are so many funny or awful stories that it’s hard to stop telling them,” Margot says at one point, purposefully making no distinction between “funny” and “awful,” reflecting how an anecdote meant as lighthearted humor might reasonably be interpreted differently depending on the audience. (Gaitskill 13). This first anecdote is the one of Quin, who is engaged at the time, approaching a “melancholy-looking” woman, a stranger, in Central Park, by saying “Aren’t you the gentle one!” (Gaitskill 1). The two exchange numbers then and there, and they later speak on the phone. This woman feels seen, and responds accordingly. She is delighted by the attention, and she is charmed by Quin, who is described by Margot in a later passage as not beautiful, but giving off “an unexpected impression of beauty” (Gaitskill 1). This woman is one of over a dozen women throughout the story who responds to Quin’s self-amusing and self-interested flirtation with glee. There are a handful of “self-possessed” women who respond with disgust or rejection, but notably, these are not the women who expose him (Gaitskill 12). Rather, it is a handful of his former admirers who later turn on him. In recounting this first story, Margot recalls that she and Quin laughed at this woman. “She would like being hurt, but very slightly,” Quin says of the Central Park woman. “You’d spank her with, I don’t know, a Ping-Pong paddle? And then touch her clit. This is pleasure. […] And this is pain” (Gaitskill 1). This is, of course, the titular line, and for good reason. “This is Pleasure” is concerned with pleasured pain and pained pleasure and the grey area separating the two.

It is also concerned with those indefinable acts on the fringe of sexual harassment and the ease with which these acts are equated to misdeeds of a greater magnitude. Quin’s behavior toward women, which is, at times, inappropriate, is never criminal. Quin’s accusers were formerly rapturous followers. Young, early-career girls are devoted to Quin, as if he is some sort of sex guru. He curates their wardrobes, drafts text messages to their boyfriends, asks frequent and intimate questions about their love and sex lives and, most of all, totes each new find around as if she were an accessory. Notably, Quin’s accusers are not survivors. These women derived real pleasure from his company and his attention — before her accusation, Quin’s first accuser, Caitlin, calls his flirtation “delicious” (Gaitskill 7).  Prior to #MeToo, coy, coquettish behavior in everyday settings was normalized as a kind of light-hearted playfulness. The Quins of the world have found casual seduction to work in their favor, bolster their reputation and heighten their appeal. Yet as Margot insinuates in “This is Pleasure,” there is an underlying misogyny in Quin’s use of women to “amuse” and “entertain” himself and others (Gaitskill 10, 4). This mindset, which effectively lessens the humanity of women, is bred by patriarchy and replete with microaggressions. The #MeToo era effectively determined that this behavior would no longer be condoned. But because the movement lacked nuance and distinction in the assortment of levels of wrongdoing, at some point there was a slippage, and the Quins of the world, bumbling idiots who did not perceive their actions to be harmful, were wrongly seen as dangerous.

Pleasure has been plagued by fear. We all find ourselves confused in the face of erotic desire, yet this confusion is no longer benign. Instead, as a result of continuing cultural shifts, this confusion manifests as a threat. Kipnis observes that the prevailing emphasis in the realm of sexual encounters is no longer on pleasure, but on “danger and vulnerability” (9). If the prevailing narrative “is that sex is dangerous, sex is going to feel threatening more of the time,” and, furthermore, “anything associated with sex, no matter how innocuous (a risqué remark, a dumb joke) will feel threatening” (Kipnis 9). A fictionalized version of the #MeToo movement —  never directly named but undoubtedly meant to mirror #MeToo — is responsible for Quin’s downfall in “This is Pleasure.” Of course, Quin is responsible for his own behavior. It is difficult, however, to imagine that Quin’s former admirers would have taken action against him had they not been told by a #MeToo fictional equivalent that his attention, once welcomed, should instead be seen and defined as unwanted. As with the real #MeToo movement, previously innocuous behaviors — unwanted text messages, flirtation, phone calls — were redefined as predatory behaviors. Whereas Quin’s former followers likely felt some shame in actively participating in a continued flirtation with an engaged and then married man, cultural shifts and prevailing ideologies told these women to accept no blame, even though they were willing, eager and enthusiastically consensual participants. Instead they were told to solely blame him. Their guilty pleasures were rewritten as harassment, and they willingly accepted this new narrative as truth.

Quin is a “creep,” a “voyeur,” a “narcissist” and a “crybaby” — his accuser Caitlin jokingly calls him these names while they are still friends, though there is underlying truth (Gaitskill 12). Importantly, he is not a perpetrator. “You’re not even a predator,” Quin’s wife, Carolina says to him. “You’re a fool. A pinching, creeping fool” (Gaitskill 18). “This is Pleasure” asks us to consider whether Quin’s destruction is warranted. Can we forgive Quin or empathize with him? And does he deserve forgiveness or empathy? Quin’s ping-pong paddle pleasure/pain quip becomes a years-long joke between Margot and her husband. In looking back at this memory, which takes place prior to the accusations, Margot asks: “Why did I think it was so funny? It seems strange to me when I look back on it now. Because I don’t want to laugh. I feel pain” (Gaitskill 1). It is unclear who Margot is directing these questions to, and because this is unclear, we, the readers, take the place of her confidant. In her review of Gaitskill’s story, Pip Adam writes that the lack of a clear moral compass in the story makes “us far more implicated in the work, [because] there’s no one telling us what to think or who to trust or that we’ll be okay — no one telling us how to be a decent human being in this situation. What makes ‘This is Pleasure’ so terrifying isn’t the risk that someone will tell us that rapists are okay, but that we have to decide for ourselves” (Adam). Adam makes a noteworthy and problematic conflation by insinuating that in empathizing with Quin, we empathize with a rapist. This is not an isolated misunderstanding. According to #MeToo, if we empathize with any perpetrator, we might as well be empathizing with a serial abuser like Weinstein or Ghomeshi.

This conflation is also evident in the text itself, as Quin’s reputation and career are destroyed by a fictional version of the “Shitty Media Men” list,[7] which was the subject of widespread discussion and debate. Toward the end of the story, it is Margot who finally explains the details of Quin’s undoing: his name is listed on a petition, signed by “hundreds of women,” that names “multiple ‘abusers’” and demands “that no one ever hire them again” (Gaitskill 18). It is this petition that takes him down. Much of the controversy that stemmed from the actual “Shitty Media Men” list was the fact that the 70 men on this list were all equally condemned, yet the actual accusations levied against them (from anonymous accusers) ranged from “flirting” and “weird lunch dates” to rape, sexual assault, stalking and physical abuse (Shafrir). When portrayed through fiction, it is perhaps easier to see how empathizing with men like Quin is made more difficult when their names are sandwiched between actual rapists and predators. In fiction, the consequences of equating men like Quin or Ansari to men like Weinstein appears more bleak.

“This is Pleasure” compels its readers to consider whether these consequences were entirely justified. As Adam points out, it does this by implicating the reader. Just as with “Cat Person” and “She Said He Said,” the presence of literary ambiguity serves to confuse our initial inclinations, thus we are left to thoughtfully sort out right and wrong on our own. Our implication, however, extends beyond forced thoughtfulness. English Scholar Jeremy Hawthorn, writes that fiction offers “something that real life does not offer us: guilt-free voyeurism” (79). But in synonymizing the reading of stories like “This is Pleasure” with voyeurism, Hawthorn acknowledges that we are nevertheless placed in a compromising position. The complex portrait of an abuser and his defender as narrators challenges and confuses relevant discourse. We discover that there is no clear-cut categorization of perpetrators and victims as right and wrong, just as Kureishi’s character Len discovers that there is no clear-cut path to retribution for an ambiguously defined crime.

Reading fiction is a suspension of the self to embody the other. This is an inherent benefit to ourselves and to our relationship with others as it is an expansion of our capacity to understand. Fiction asks us: Who would we be if not ourselves? And that answer informs our perception of the self. In order for fiction to leave an indelible impression on its readers, it need not have a clear-cut lesson. This is because “aesthetic experience has an intrinsic ethical effect, irrespective of the presence or absence of ‘message,’” writes scholar Leona Toker (Lehtimäki, 98). Widely accessible online commentary serves as real-time reaction to the “aesthetic experience” of both #MeToo fiction and non-fiction. And relatively few pieces of fiction, related or unrelated to the #MeToo movement, received as much online attention as “Cat Person” did.

In the wake of its virality, the story received a significant amount of praise. Twitter commentators said: “I found it disturbing and highly relatable;” “She struck a balance that makes people question their preconceived notions about relationships, feminism, consent” and “It was honestly so plausible I still don’t quite believe it was fiction” (Halpern). In a personal essay written after the publication of “Cat Person,” Roupenian touches upon a peculiar complication which arose as a consequence of Internet fame: In the story’s “second life as an Internet Sensation,” she writes, “its status as fiction had largely got lost.” We need look no further than Twitter commentary (“I still don’t quite believe it was fiction”) for confirmation. That “Cat Person” depicted female discomfort in so authentic a manner as to give the story verisimilitude is astounding. Although Roupenian has said the piece is not autobiographical, it reads as such for some. The text’s realism is, at once, a nod to the piece’s literary value, and also a nod to The New Yorker’s strategic timing and publishing prowess. Media outlets undoubtedly capitalized on the popularity of #MeToo stories for clicks (“Women are now very into the victim story,” as Gaitskill’s Quin brashly puts it, or, as Kipnis sees it, we have always “favored stories about female endangerment over stories about female agency.”) (Gaitskill 24, Kipnis 8). Yet the success of Roupenian’s story is not merely attributable to it being in vogue. The piece touched a nerve for thousands of readers, and in analyzing reading experiences, we are effectively analyzing the ethical effects of the narrative on readers.

Playing out inside and outside of these stories are tangible aesthetic experiences intrinsically tied to ethical responses. “Cat Person” received an influx of positive responses, and it received an equal amount of criticism. In his letter addressed to the fictional Margot and titled “Dear Cat-Person Girl,” writer Kyle Smith offers Margot a meager apology for the “awkward sex” she had with Robert before he leaps into a pathetic, slut-shaming tirade: “I don’t think you have thought through how you got into a terrible situation. Robert is your seventh sexual partner. You’re 20 years old. Margot, [and] seven is too many.” Smith scolds Margot for her choices in a deeply patronizing, condescending and upsetting manner. There is a disturbing level of genuine anger and frustration in the male author’s tone, yet there is also genuine fear. Why should fiction evoke such an intense emotional response? On the outset, the letter appears at best, bizarre, and at worst, deeply misogynistic. Smith might be easily dismissed as an angry outlier, but his letter is, in actuality, a microcosm of the male rage and male fear which culminated as a counter-reaction to the #MeToo movement.

Albeit disturbing, Smith’s letter is, at its core, an instance of literary engagement and analysis, while other, similar types of impassioned #MeToo backlash yielded real, tangible consequences. Suspecting that the movement had produced more negative than positives effects, researchers at the University of Houston tested their hypothesis with a study that asked a variety of questions to hundreds of men and women from a number of work industries. According to the findings, after the height of the #MeToo era, 19% of men surveyed said they were “reluctant to hire attractive women,” 21% of men said they were “reluctant to hire women for jobs involving close interpersonal interactions with men” and 27% of men said they “avoided one-on-one meetings” with their female colleagues (“The #MeToo Backlash”). It is possible that lessening one-on-one workplace male-female meetings eliminated some potential female discomfort, passivity and pain. It is more likely, however, that women lost out on opportunities, workplace advancements and social mobility as a result of conscious retaliation by men afraid of being accused.

These fears, which may or may not be baseless, are embodied by Gaitskill’s Quin and Kureishi’s Mateo. Of his public ousting, Quin says “this is the end of men like me” (Gaitskill 20). The accusers are “angry at what’s happening in the country and in the government,” he says, and “they can’t strike at the king, so they go for the jester” (Gaitskill 20). Notably, Quin understands that his power and position are not so great as to make him untouchable. His vulnerability leads to his downfall, and this downfall is seen as a triumph by those who feel he wronged them. The scenario is reminiscent of the apparent indestructibility of Donald Trump, a serial assaulter and misogynist. #MeToo could not strike at Trump, so it went for less powerful figures, like Ansari.

The jailing of Harvey Weinstein is a defining success and a fitting ending to a movement now overshadowed by a global pandemic, yet uncertainty and fear remains, evident in findings that suggest a significant portion of men feel they must avoid women in order to avoid being accused of wrongdoing. After his confrontation with Len, Mateo concludes that “in these impossible times, courtship rituals were being corrected” (Kureishi 3). The fear and backlash to #MeToo, embodied by Quin and Mateo, are displays of desperate self-preservation. But it is more than this. These fictional narratives delve into our ongoing cultural modification — the most noteworthy aesthetic experience at hand. These cultural shifts, taking place in the realms of romance, intimacy and sex, are ongoing. How does one respond to or even discern female passivity? Or compromised consent? Or sexual encounters that may be reinterpreted in retrospect? And what do we do with all of this uncertainty? The fact of the matter is that there has been no closure to the #MeToo movement.

In the final scene of “This Is Pleasure,” Quin walks the streets of New York and describes his surroundings: “sullen men” and “women striding into traffic” as “life rushes by” (Gaitskill 24). A beggar looks at him and says, “Don’t be so sad. It’ll get better by and by,” and Quin tells us he believes this man (“I am on the ground and bleeding, but I will stand up again.”) (Gaitskill 24). Then the beggar laughs and shouts something Quin cannot hear. In the next and final line, Quin turns, with “a dollar already in [his] hand” (Gaitskill 25) What we have witnessed is the downfall of a man. Quin, a once-reputable publisher, is now nothing, but begging to be something again. It is unclear what becomes of him, just as it is unclear what becomes of Roupenian’s Margot and Kureishi’s Len and Mateo. These characters, emblematic of the perpetrator, the survivor and the spectator, represent us. As the fictional stories end, we are left to ponder ambiguous endings and, by virtue of this, to contemplate our humanity. Gaitskill could have chosen to clarify Quin’s future — she could have served him with a lawsuit or sent him to court — but instead, his fate remains unclear. In the end, she makes him just another person who has erred and faltered and lost their way.

Non-fiction is bound by truth, and truth does not always lend itself to neat, satisfactory endings. But then again, the #MeToo movement, like most political movements, did not set out to seek an ultimate reconciliation, it sought ideological change. So if non-fiction provided truth and facts, fiction helped us think through what to do with this information. By making its audience active, complicit characters in these stories, fiction asked its readers: Who do you want to be to yourself? And who to you want to be to others? When we avoid nuance because it complicates the narrative and challenges us, we fail ourselves and each other. In the chaos of #MeToo, of article upon article upon article revealing revered men to be predators, we never slowed down to consider the unwanted ramifications in our immediate desire for justice. When we read and observed these articles, it was with suspicion and fear, not compassion or empathy. When we read fiction, we are brought back to ourselves. We are made and forced to think on our own. And we discover who we are to ourselves and who we are to each other.

 

 

 

 

Works Cited

Adam, Pip. “She Liked It, She Wanted It: The Complex Terrors of Mary Gaitskill’s This Is Pleasure.” The Spinoff, The Spinoff, 29 Jan. 2020, thespinoff.co.nz/books/29-01-2020/she-liked-it-she-wanted-it-the-complex-terrors-of-mary-gaitskills-this-is-pleasure/.

Antonsen, Katrine. “Ethical Force of Fictionalization in Michael Frayn’s Copenhagen.” Narrative Ethics, edited by Jakob Lothe and Jeremy Hawthorn, Rodopi, 2013, pp. 119–135.

Baker, Katie J.M. “Here’s The Powerful Letter The Stanford Victim Read To Her Attacker.” BuzzFeed News, BuzzFeed News, 11 Nov. 2019, www.buzzfeednews.com/article/katiejmbaker/heres-the-powerful-letter-the-stanford-victim-read-to-her-ra.

Brockes, Emma. “#MeToo Founder Tarana Burke: ‘You Have to Use Your Privilege to Serve Other People’.” The Guardian, Guardian News and Media, 15 Jan. 2018, www.theguardian.com/world/2018/jan/15/me-too-founder-tarana-burke-women-sexual-assault.

Demme, Amanda. “The Complete List of Allegations Against Harvey Weinstein.” The Cut, 6 Jan. 2020, www.thecut.com/2020/01/harvey-weinstein-complete-list-allegations.html.

Donegan, Moira. “I Started the Media Men List.” The Cut, The Cut, 11 Jan. 2018, www.thecut.com/2018/01/moira-donegan-i-started-the-media-men-list.html.

Empson, William. Seven Types of Ambiguity. Read Books Ltd., 2016.

Flanagan, Caitlin. “The Humiliation of Aziz Ansari.” The Atlantic, Atlantic Media Company, 26 Feb. 2018, www.theatlantic.com/entertainment/archive/2018/01/the-humiliation-of-aziz-ansari/550541/.

Gaitskill, Mary. “‘This Is Pleasure.’” The New Yorker, The New Yorker, 8 July 2019, www.newyorker.com/books/novellas/this-is-pleasure.

Halpern, Alex. “Have You Guys Heard of This Short Story in the New Yorker, ‘Cat Person?” I Haven’t Read It but I’ve Heard It’s Either Really Good or Really Bad.” Twitter, Twitter, 23 Dec. 2017, twitter.com/HalpernAlex/status/944406696536915968.

Hawthorn, Jeremy. “Reading Fiction: Voyeurism Without Shame?” Narrative Ethics, edited by Jakob Lothe and Jeremy Hawthorn, Rodopi, 2013, pp. 73–88.

Hesse, Monica. “Perspective | ‘Believe Women’ Doesn’t Mean Women Never Lie. It Means Accepting That Men Sometimes Do, Too.” The Washington Post, WP Company, 28 Feb. 2020, www.washingtonpost.com/lifestyle/style/believe-women-doesnt-mean-women-never-lie-it-means-accepting-that-men-sometimes-do-too/2020/02/27/d8278fd0-596e-11ea-9b35-def5a027d470_story.html.

Kipnis, Laura. Unwanted Advances: Sexual Paranoia Comes to Campus. Verso, 2018.

Korthals Altes, Liesbeth. “Narratology, Ethical Turns, Circularities, and a Meta-Ethical Way Out.” Narrative Ethics, edited by Jakob Lothe and Jeremy Hawthorn, Rodopi, 2013, pp. 25–40.

Kureishi, Hanif. “‘She Said He Said.’” The New Yorker, The New Yorker, 16 July 2019, www.newyorker.com/magazine/2019/07/22/she-said-he-said.

Lehtimäki, Markku. “An Ethics of Reading Sophisticated Narratives.” Narrative Ethics, edited by Jakob Lothe and Jeremy Hawthorn, Rodopi, 2013, pp. 89–102.

León, Concepción de. “Chanel Miller: ‘The MeToo Movement Is the Reason I Can Come out Now’.” The Irish Times, The Irish Times, 24 Sept. 2019, www.irishtimes.com/life-and-style/people/chanel-miller-the-metoo-movement-is-the-reason-i-can-come-out-now-1.4028585.

Levin, Sam. “Brock Turner Released from Jail after Serving Half of Six-Month Sentence.” The Guardian, Guardian News and Media, 2 Sept. 2016, www.theguardian.com/us-news/2016/sep/02/brock-turner-released-jail-sexual-assault-stanford.

Lothe, Jacob and Hawthorn Jeremy. “Introduction the Ethical (Re)turn.” Narrative Ethics, edited by Jakob Lothe and Jeremy Hawthorn, Rodopi, 2013, pp. 1–10.

Lothe, Jakob. “Authority, Reliability, and the Challenge of Reading.” Narrative Ethics, edited by Jakob Lothe and Jeremy Hawthorn, Rodopi, 2013, pp. 103–118.

McGann, Laura. “The Agonizing Story of Tara Reade.” Vox, Vox, 7 May 2020, www.vox.com/2020/5/7/21248713/tara-reade-joe-biden-sexual-assault-accusation.

Parks, Tim. “Clearing Up Ambiguity.” The New York Review of Books, http://www.nybooks.com/daily/2015/09/01/clearing-up-ambiguity/.

Roupenian, Kristen. “‘Cat Person.’” The New Yorker, The New Yorker, 9 July 2019, www.newyorker.com/magazine/2017/12/11/cat-person.

—. “What It Felt Like When ‘Cat Person’ Went Viral.” The New Yorker, The New Yorker, 9 Jan. 2019, www.newyorker.com/books/page-turner/what-it-felt-like-when cat-person-went-viral.

Shafrir, Doree. “What To Do With ‘Shitty Media Men’?” BuzzFeed News, BuzzFeed News, 12 Oct. 2017, www.buzzfeednews.com/article/doree/what-to-do-with-shitty-media-men.

Silman, Anna. “Aziz Ansari, ‘Cat Person,’ and the #MeToo Backlash.” The Cut, The Cut, 16 Jan. 2018, www.thecut.com/2018/01/aziz-ansari-cat-person-and-the-metoo-backlash.html.

Smith, Kyle. “Dear Cat-Person Girl.” National Review, National Review, 4 Jan. 2018, www.nationalreview.com/2017/12/pervasive-culture-sex-drunkeness-regret/.

Stern, Michael J. “Why I’m Skeptical about Reade’s Sexual Assault Claim against Biden: Ex-Prosecutor.” USA Today, Gannett Satellite Information Network, 30 Apr. 2020, amp.usatoday.com/amp/3046962001?__twitter_impression=true.

Taylor, Charles. “Impervious to Ideology: Mary Gaitskill’s ‘This Is Pleasure.’” Los Angeles Review of Books, 24 Feb. 2020, lareviewofbooks.org/article/impervious-to-ideology-mary-gaitskills-this-is-pleasure/.

Watts, Amanda. “The Judge Who Was Recalled after Brock Turner Case Is Fired from New Job as a High School Tennis Coach.” CNN, Cable News Network, 12 Sept. 2019, www.cnn.com/2019/09/12/us/brock-turner-case-judge-fired-coaching-job/index.html.

Way, Katie. “I Went on a Date with Aziz Ansari. It Turned into the Worst Night of My Life.” Babe, 1 Feb. 2018, babe.net/2018/01/13/aziz-ansari-28355.

“The #MeToo Backlash.” Harvard Business Review, 27 Aug. 2019, hbr.org/2019/09/the-metoo-backlash.

 

[1] Relatively little has been written about the moral issues associated with readers’ violation of fictional characters’ privacy. The scholar Dorrit Cohn interpreted “penetration into the consciousness of others” not as a moral dilemma, but rather as “a mark of fiction” (Hawthorn, 76). Likewise, scholar Jeremy Hawthorn writes that it is “not wrong to invade the privacy of literary characters” and in fact a “succession of commentators” believes that “doing so has a positive moral function” (Hawthorn, 78). In reading novels and short stories, Hawthorn writes, we are allowed to “mimic forms of behavior that, in real life, are morally unacceptable, so that we can learn about human behavior,” (Hawthorn, 78).

[2] Although Turner was sentenced to six months in county jail, he served only three months. He was released early for “good behavior” (Levin).

[3] Former California judge Aaron Persky was recalled from his position for his sentencing in the Turner case. According to CNN, “it was the first time since 1932 that a sitting judge was recalled by California voters.” Last year, Persky was fired from his job as a high school girls’ junior varsity tennis coach after the school district learned of his connection to the Turner case (Watts)

 

[4]  Ten days after the publication of The Times’ initial investigation into Weinstein, the actress Alyssa Milano asked sexual assault survivors via Twitter to share their stories using “#MeToo.” Milano was unaware that Black civil rights activist Tarana Burke had coined the phrase a decade earlier (Brockes). Though Burke is credited as the “Me Too” founder, Milano popularized the hashtag #MeToo. In the first few weeks following Milano’s tweet, “#MeToo” was used more than 12 million times. (Levin).

 

[5] Weinstein’s recent sentencing to 23 years in prison is based on testimony by just two of the six women who have testified against him in court, though at least 100 women have accused him of sexual abuse.

 

[6]  In her follow-up essay “What It Felt Like When ‘Cat Person’ Went Viral,” Roupenian notes that some readers confused the story as a personal essay. “I’d wanted people to be able to see themselves in the story, to identify with it in such a way that its narrative scaffolding would disappear,” Roupenian wrote. “But, perhaps inevitably, as the story was shared again and again, moving it further and further from its original context, people began conflating me, the author, with the main character.”

 

[7]  In early 2018, the journalist Moira Donegan created an anonymous Google spreadsheet that allowed users to name men working in media to be cautious of. The document “was a first attempt at solving what has seemed like an intractable problem: how women can protect ourselves from sexual harassment and assault” (Donegan). The document went unexpectedly viral. Ultimately, some of the men who were named lost their jobs or were fired (Shafrir).

 

Highlights from the last Democratic Debate of the year

Published: The California Aggie. Dec. 20, 2019. View here.


 

The California Aggie attended the sixth Democratic Debate on Thursday, Dec. 19 at Loyola Marymount University. Seven candidates qualified for the last debate of the year: Former Vice President Joe Biden, Sen. Bernie Sanders, Sen. Elizabeth Warren, Mayor Pete Buttigieg, Sen. Amy Klobuchar, entrepreneur Andrew Yang and California billionaire Tom Steyer.

The most recent polls show Biden in the lead, with 27.8% support, followed by Sanders with 19.3%, Warren with 15.2% and Buttigieg with 8.3%. Sen. Cory Booker, Rep. Tulsi Gabbard and former Mayor Michael Bloomberg — all of whom are polling ahead of Steyer — did not qualify for this debate. In order to qualify, candidates needed to meet polling and fundraising thresholds designated by the Democratic National Committee (DNC) by Dec. 12. Booker, Gabbard and Bloomberg did not meet these thresholds.

Also present at the debate was California Governor Gavin Newsom; following the debate, The Aggie asked Newsom about his thoughts on recent discussions about the possibility of removing SAT and ACT scores from the admissions process for UC schools.

“You may have seen in some of the work we did this year in the budget that we were leaning in that direction,” Newsom said. “I think the UC will not surprise you — I think they’re poised to make a bold announcement.”

During the debate, Yang — the only candidate of color on the debate stage — said it was “both an honor and a disappointment to be the lone candidate of color on the stage tonight.” The five current democratic frontrunners in the polls are all white.

“Fewer than 5% of Americans donate to political campaigns,” Yang said. “Do you know what you need to donate to political campaigns? Disposable income. The way we fix this is we take Martin Luther King’s message of a guaranteed minimum income, a freedom dividend of $1,000 a month for all Americans. I guarantee, if we had a freedom dividend of $1,000 a month, I would not be the only candidate of color on this stage tonight.”

There has also been discussion in recent weeks over whether the lack of diversity in Iowa and New Hampshire — two of the whitest states in the country — should disqualify these states from voting first. These concerns have been chiefly voiced by Former Housing and Urban Development Secretary Julián Castro, who is polling with 1.2% support.

At last night’s event, jabs between Warren and Buttigieg over recent weeks manifested on the debate stage. Warren criticized Buttigieg for a closed-door fundraiser he held in “a wine cave full of crystals.” In response, Buttigieg said he was “literally the only person on this stage who is not a millionaire or a billionaire,” adding, “this is the problem with issuing purity tests you cannot yourself pass.”

With the Iowa Caucus and New Hampshire primary less than two months away, the debate, hosted by PBS NewsHour and Politico, was an important opportunity for candidates to reach additional voters; recent polls show that over 50% of voters have yet to decide on a top candidate for the primaries, according to Vox. An additional four debates are scheduled for January and February.

Labor disputes at UCLA and LMU

Questions relating to the two separate and ongoing labor disputes that impacted the debate were noticeably absent. The debate was originally slated to take place at UCLA, but it was relocated to LMU due to an ongoing labor dispute between the UC and the American Federation of State, County and Municipal Employees (AFSCME) 3299. AFSCME officials asked candidates to honor its boycott of UC events.

Just days before the debate took place, a labor dispute between UNITE HERE Local 11, a union representing food service workers at LMU, and the food service company Sodexo, which employs the unionized workers and is also subcontracted by LMU, raised doubts about whether the debate would indeed take place. All of the candidates said via Twitter that they would not attend the debate if it meant crossing a picket line. Two days before the event, the DNC and its chair, Tom Perez, helped secure a tentative contract agreement between the two parties, according to a DNC press release.

Perez, who addressed the crowd before the debate began, did mention the agreement he helped facilitate.

“It’s more than just dollars, it’s about dignity,” Perez said. “When unions succeed, the middle class succeeds and America thrives.”

Education

The topic of education was brought up over halfway through the debate. Warren discussed her plans to implement a two-cent wealth tax, which, according to her estimations, would result in an $800 billion investment in K-12 public schools.

“That will permit us to offer technical school, two-year college, four-year college for every single person who wants an education, cancel student loan debt […] put a $50 billion investment in our historically black colleges and universities and cancel student loan debt for 43 million Americans,” Warren said.

Sanders also voiced support for taxing the wealthy and making all public colleges and universities tuition-free.

“What we need right now is a revolution in education,” Sanders said.

By comparison, Buttigieg’s proposed plan offers free college, or college at a discounted tuition rate, for those families making $150,000 a year or below.

Disability rights, a topic that had not previously received much airtime at prior debates, was addressed by the moderators in a question asking candidates how they would help disabled individuals become better integrated into the workforce and their local communities. Yang, who has a son with special needs, and Warren, who previously worked as a special education teacher, both gave strong responses to the question — Warren discussed plans to fully fund the Individuals with Disabilities Education Act, which provides both a free, specialized education and services to children with disabilities, and Yang again brought up the idea of instituting a freedom dividend for every American.

Yang and Sanders were the only two candidates to bring up student debt. Both Sanders and Warren have said they will cancel all or some of the currently amassed student debt.

Climate change

Sanders was the first candidate to bring up climate change during the debate and repeatedly referenced the urgent need to combat climate change throughout the event. Given relatively recent scientific findings that certain parts of the U.S. will be unlivable by the year 2050 as a result of climate change, the candidates were asked whether they would support a new program that would relocate families and businesses away from areas such as Miami, Fla. and Paradise, Calif. In response, Klobuchar proposed re-entering the Paris Climate Agreement, Buttigieg proposed implementing a carbon tax and both Steyer and Sanders proposed declaring an immediate national emergency, if elected.

“Your question misses the mark — it is not an issue of relocating people in towns, the issue now is whether we save the planet for our children and our grandchildren,” Sanders said. “You’re talking about the Paris agreement, that’s fine. Ain’t enough. We have got to — and I’ve introduced legislation to do this — declare a national emergency.”

Protests in Hong Kong

Relations between the U.S. and China were one of the only topics relating to international relations brought up during the debate. Moderators asked about ongoing protests in Hong Kong sparked over a controversial extradition bill and relating to larger demands for full democracy, as well as recent human rights abuses by China — specifically the detention of over a million Muslim Uighurs, an ethnic minority in one of China’s regions.

Steyer said the U.S. needs to do more to “push back,” but he also said we should not be the “world’s policeman” — “if we are going to treat climate as the threat that it is, we are going to have to partner with the Chinese.” Biden, on the other hand, supported a more militarized approach.

“We should be moving 60% of our sea power to that area of the world to let […] the Chinese understand that they’re not going to go any further,” Biden said. “We are going to be there to protect other folks. We […] should make sure that we begin to rebuild our alliances, which Trump has demolished, with Japan and South Korea, Australia and Indonesia. We, in fact, need to have allies who understand that we’re going to stop the Chinese from their actions.”

Yang, who has family in Hong Kong, said China is “in the process of leapfrogging” the U.S. in terms of Artificial Intelligence “because they have more data than we do and their government is subsidizing it to the tune of tens of billions of dollars.” He proposed the implementation of an international coalition to set technology standards, stating that “this is where we need to outcompete them and win.”

Impeachment

The recent impeachment of President Donald Trump by the House of Representatives was the subject of the first question of the night posed to all of the candidates. According to the moderators, Congressional Democrats have not yet convinced a strong majority of Americans to support impeachment.

In response, Klobuchar called recent events concerning the president a “global Watergate” and said the American people need to hear testimony from top White House officials, including Acting White House Chief of Staff Mick Mulvaney. In his response, Yang said “we have to stop being obsessed over impeachment.”

“[We need to] actually start digging in and solving the problems that got Donald Trump elected in the first place,” Yang said. “We have to take every opportunity to present a new positive vision for the country, a new way forward to help beat him in 2020 because, make no mistake, he’ll be there at the ballot box for us to defeat.”

Dreamers and reparation

With over 200,000 DACA recipients in the State of California alone — more than any other state — moderators asked candidates whether they would move to enforce a “permanent legislative fix for Dreamers” in their first 100 days in office.

“I believe everyone on this stage would do the right thing by Dreamers in the first 100 days,” Yang said. “I would make it a top priority. I’m the son of immigrants myself. The fact is, almost half of Fortune 500 companies were started by an immigrant or children of immigrants. Immigrants make our country stronger and more dynamic.”

Buttigieg, who previously said the U.S. owes compensation to children separated from their families at the Southern Border, also said at the debate that those children should have a “fast track to citizenship.” He also voiced support for giving reparations to the descendants of enslaved people.

“We’re not talking about a gift to anybody,” he said. “We’re talking about mending what was broken. We’re talking about the generational theft of the wealth of generations of African-Americans.”

“The United States must act immediately with investments in minority-owned businesses, with investments in health equity, with investments in HBCUs and on the longer term look at reparations so that we can mend what has been broken,” Buttigieg said.

LGBTQ issues

All of the candidates present have committed to supporting the passage of the Equality Act, a comprehensive civil rights bill.

Moderators addressed the 22 transgender individuals killed in the U.S. this year, that officials know of, who were mostly women of color. Candidates were asked how they would stop violence against transgender people.

Warren said she promises to visit the Rose Garden once a year to read the names of transgender individuals killed in the past year — “I will make sure that we read their names so that as a nation we are forced to address the particular vulnerability on homelessness.”

“The transgender community has been marginalized in every way possible,” Warren said. “And one thing that the president of the United States can do is lift up attention, lift up their voices, lift up their lives.”

In his response, Sanders brought up his support of a Medicare-for-all, single-payer program that would provide healthcare to every person in the country regardless of sexual orientation or need.

Final Question

In the final question of the night, PBS NewsHour Managing Editor Judy Woodruff asked the candidates whether they would ask for forgiveness from or give a gift to any of the other candidates. Following the responses, viewers and members of the press pointed out on social media that both of the candidates who asked for forgiveness — Klobuchar and Warren — were also the two women on the debate stage.

“We have to remember as Democrats — and if I get worked up about this, it’s because I believe it so much in my heart — that we have to bring people with us and not shut them out,” Klobuchar said. “That is the gift we can give America in this election.”

The next debate is scheduled to take place Jan. 14 in Des Moines, Iowa. So far, Biden, Warren, Sanders, Buttigieg and Klobuchar have qualified.

New routes help Sacramento International set record with 1.1 million passengers in July

Published: The Sacramento Bee. August 21, 2018. Viewable here.


A record-high number of passengers made last month the busiest in Sacramento International Airport’s history.

The airport recorded 1.1 million passengers during July, a month apt for vacations, and it expects to serve an estimated 1 million passengers each month for the rest of the year.

The airport’s previous busiest month on record was before the recession, on July 2007, which saw just above 1 million passengers.

According to a news release from Sacramento County, the airport estimates it will serve over 12 million passengers in total this year, “another record-breaking milestone.”

How did the airport accommodate the high volume of passengers? “Nothing special,” said Laurie Slothower, a spokesperson for the Sacramento County Department of Airports. “Just lots of coordination with the airlines and the TSA.”

The airport is equipped to handle up to 16 million passengers in a calendar year. Slothower said the TSA was aware of “passenger demand growth and planned accordingly.”

“Passenger traffic at Sacramento International Airport has shown a robust increase of 11.8 percent in July 2018 over the same time period in July 2017,” the news release says.

Slothower attributes the increase to a combination of factors.

“We’ve added new routes and destinations (and) added new carriers to popular destinations — Denver, Las Vegas, San Diego,” she said. “Sacramento passenger response to these routes has been robust. In fact, passenger demand increases during July outpaced seat capacity by 5.5 percentage points, leading to (a) higher … percentage of seats filled per flight.”

Southwest Airlines also introduced nonstop services to Austin, St. Louis, Orlando, New Orleans and Cabo San Lucas. Frontier Airlines returned with service to Las Vegas and Denver, and Air Canada returned with nonstop service to Vancouver.

“Southwest has told us the passenger loads for the Austin and St. Louis routes are outstanding,” Slothower said. And Frontier, described as “an ultra-low cost carrier,” is popular among “budget-minded travelers.”

This July, the airport offered 159 flights to 37 destinations, compared to the 151 flights to 30 destinations offered last July. Slothower also said the airport is considering adding flights in November once Southwest begins a nonstop service to Houston, and Volaris offers nonstop flights to Leon, Mexico.

And Sacramento area residents will soon have more options to get to Hawaii, with nonstop flights to Kona through Alaska Airlines beginning in December and nonstop flights to Mauithrough Hawaiian Airlines beginning next April.

Roseville Apple store theft latest in a string across California. Police say they may be linked

Published: The Sacramento Bee, Merced Sun-Star, The Modesto Bee, The Tribune, Security Info Watch and The Fresno Bee. August 17, 2018.


Major medical errors associated with high levels of physician burnout, study says

Published: The Sacramento Bee, Bristol Herald CourierSt. Louis Post-Dispatch, Billings Gazette, Tucson.com, Lebanon Express, Lacrosse Tribune, Missoulian, Sioux City Journal, Winona Daily News, Independent Record, Lompoc Record, TDN.com, Gulf Times and the Albany Democrat-Herald. July 30, 2018.


Twitter could help with wildfire rescue and relief efforts, Forest Service officials say

Published: The Sacramento Bee, FireRescue1, Government Technology.  July 28, 2018.


Twitter can be used as an effective tool to predict air quality levels in areas affected by wildfires, a recent study suggests, and the social media app could potentially aid in assisting with rescue and relief efforts.

The study, a result of efforts from two U.S. Forest Service scientists, sorted through over 39,000 tweets specifically referencing the 15 wildfires which wreaked the most havoc on California during the summer of 2015 or including the words “wildfire” or “smoke.”

The study aimed to determine whether data could be crowdsourced and used to estimate air quality impacts from smoke in areas where air monitoring stations might not be present.

“Smoke from wildfires is a huge concern and the most robust ways of measuring air quality impact … comes from physical monitoring stations that are maintained by the EPA,” said Sonya Sachdeva, a computational social scientist with the U.S. Forest Service and a lead researcher on the study. “Those monitoring stations … can’t be everywhere.

Tweets were “geocoded,” or association with a location based on metadata looking at where the tweet was sent from or where the tweeter is located. These tweets were then assigned to a local air quality monitoring station in an area nearby.

Using air pollution levels reported by the Environmental Protection Agency on the day the tweet was posted, the tweets were linked to air quality data.

A previous study was conducted using 700 tweets about the 2014 King Fire. Both the 2014 study and the latest study corroborate findings that tweet frequency can be a good estimate of particulate matter 2.5.

PM 2.5 is a tiny air particle smaller than 2.5 micrometers and invisible to the human eye, released by vehicles and factories and present in wildfire smoke. Particles are so small, they can pass through the lungs and enter the bloodstream, posing significant health risks.

“People that were closest to the location of the fire … seemed to talk about distinct topics than people that were farther,” Sachdeva said in reference to findings from the King Fire study. “People that were closest to the fire were more likely to discuss those air quality impacts, more likely to discuss smoke being visible.”

Although some academic researchers are using social media to predict air quality, the use is not widespread among agencies.

In Shasta County, wildfires continuing to blaze are forcing residents out of their homes. John Waldrop, the air quality manager for the the county’s Department of Resource Management, said the department does not use social media for notifications.

Researchers hope to develop a streamlined technology to monitor the content of tweets which could potentially provide efficient, real-time air quality predictions.

“The more precise you can be in terms of the air quality for certain areas, the more targeted advice,” said Sarah McCaffrey, a research forester with the Forest Service and another lead researcher on the study. “That always makes it easier for people to respond and protect their health appropriately.”

With this technology, Sachdeva predicts the creation of heat maps showing the location of people requesting help via social media — “that’s where rescue efforts could be directed more systematically,” she said.

“Or you could help coordinate all the helping behavior,” McCaffrey said. “Connect people who need assistance to those who want to give assistance.”